The Urban Anthropology Journal No.13 (2019)

Revista de Antropologie Urbană Nr.7
The Urban Anthropology Journal - Nr.13 (2019) - CONTENTS
  • Sustainability and the city: exploring climate-resilient development pathways in urban contexts – Ioana Radu


  • Green Roof: A sustainable way to improve air quality in urban city – Ying KAN
  • Application of multiple-use strategies (MUS) and Indigenous knowledge in resource management in Mexico – Stephanie Vigneux
  • Helping the Rivers Breathe Again: the Apache Water Restoration Project – Darcie Matthews
  • The role of institutional frameworks in minimizing socio-cultural impacts of ecotourism: lessons from Khafr village, Iran – Negar Ghadimi, Ioana Radu

Editorial: Sustainability and the city: exploring climate-resilient development ·pathways in urban contexts -Ioana Radu

In the past couple of months, the most iconic image of climate change is no longer the lonely hungry polar bear trapped on ice floes, but a 15-year- old girl clad in a yellow rain jacket sitting on the steps of Sweden’s parliament building in Stockholm. Since September 2018, Greta Thunberg has spent most of her Fridays out of school protesting the inaction of the Swedish government to undertake radical steps to tackle climate change. Inspired by the Parkland student protests and after a string of well delivered speeches at UN Climate Change COP24 Conference and at Davos, Greta Thunberg has inspired an unprecedented youth mobilization in support for measurable and urgent action to address contemporary and future impacts of climate change.

The Youth Strike 4 Climate movement brings to focus issues of intergenerational equity, social justice and environmental sustainability. This nexus implies that climate justice rests on interrelated and simultaneously deployed measures that take into consideration issues of distribution, recognition, and participation together. Indeed, the IPCC special report published in October 2018, underlined the linkages between mitigation options relevant for limiting global warming to 1.5ºC and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The report states, “limiting the risks from global warming of 1.5°C in the context of sustainable development and poverty eradication implies system transitions that can be enabled by an increase of adaptation and mitigation investments, policy instruments, the acceleration of technological innovation and behaviour changes”.

Indeed, during the spring of 2019, multiple direct actions, such as marches, strikes, and citizen petitions have put the spotlight on political parties and national governments to act decisively on climate change. In May, the British Parliament, first among the G7 countries, has voted to declare a “climate emergency” in the United Kingdom. Ireland followed soon after, and intense campaigns are being deployed in most of the Global North. On the other hand, although they welcome political declarations in support of direct climate action, longtime climate activists have for decades militated to support many nations in the Global South to devise policy and bring about global action to mitigate impacts of climate change. Among some of the most publicized was Maldives’ plight more than a decade ago, when the then-newly elected president and human rights activist, Mohamed Nasheed, proposed to divert a portion of the country’s tourism revenues to buying land elsewhere as ‘a insurance policy against rising sea levels due to climate change’. As the IPCC special report underlines, climate change impacts do not only induce rising sea levels, but also have significant impacts on health, human security, migration and refugee movements, species extinction, agricultural production and food security, to mention just a few.

Thus, this special issue of the Journal of Urban Anthropology explores sustainability as the intersection of a multiplicity of transitions (technological, behavioral, political and discursive) deployed both in developed and developing contexts, as well as at various levels (local, national and global). As evidenced by recent citizen’s petitions for a universal declaration of climate emergency, wartime and post-war efforts mobilized nations to act through transformational policy that defined the status quo and changed the economic, politic and social landscapes across the globe. Similarly, decision making for sustainable futures necessitates strong and evidence- based public policy for climate adaptation and mitigation in all spheres of human life. Behavioral changes do not happen unless policy provides strong incentives as well as disincentives for citizen and economic actors. In some contexts, industry groups have undue influence in the way the message and science about global warming is publicized, with some studies uncovering significant funds being invested in suppressing climate facts and science (Oreskes & Connway, 2010; Mann, 2012). Social movements and citizen engagement thus become indispensable tools in moving action against increasing threats of global warming with human and ecosystem health as a main preoccupation.

Drastic and sudden weather extremes, as well as growing atmospheric pollution poses significant health risks for urban denizens. Increasing urbanization and out migration from the countryside increases resource use and puts undue pressure on the already scarce urban ecosystems. As Kan shows in this issue, in a major urban center such as Toronto, in 2014 air pollution caused 1,300 premature deaths and three times as much hospitalizations. To improve air quality as well as stormwater management and conserve energy, in the past decade the city has deployed a green roof urban program. Now a popular climate change mitigation measure, the current expansion of green roof projects (50 to date) and the municipal policy changes would not have been possible without a sustained engagement from the civil society in Toronto. As of 2017, Toronto ranks second city in North America with the highest green roofing surface, deriving a economic benefit of air quality approximating CAN $394 per hectare of green roofing.

Similarly, urban sprawl and increased industrialization at the periphery in east-central Arizona have had devastating impacts on water resources. In the case of the White Mountain Apache Tribe, presented by Darcie Matthews, rivers and creeks in their traditional territories have experienced dwindling fish populations, increased landscape changes due to invasive species, drought and overall decline of native predators due to eradication measures introduced to support farmers and ranchers in the area. Located near Phoenix (Arizona), White Mountain Apache Tribe shares water resources with approximately 2 million inhabitants and is facing an uncertain future due to increasing mining and logging operation. Nevertheless, the Apache ecosystem knowledge and place names has allowed the tribe to retrace the history of landscape changes and identify a management approach based on traditional restoration practices. Linking the mind and the land, this approach applies concepts of ‘smoothness’, ‘resilience’ and ‘resistance’ to climate change adaptation measures that focus on landscape restoration (including plant and animal species). Understood as a healing process, the Apache Water Restoration Project aims to address contemporary water shortages and technological fixes with species recovery, all the while maintaining cultural continuity through intergenerational knowledge transmission.

Indeed, aspects of resource redistribution, citizen participation and recognition of local knowledge and expertise have long been embedded into international arrangements. Stephanie Vigneux takes on UNESCO’s benchmarks to illustrate the links between international efforts and local ecosystem management in Mexico. Combining biodiversity protection with cultural preservation, the Totonac people of the Totonacapan region in Hidalgo (Mexico), have used multiple-use strategies (MUS) and Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) to address both sustainability and ensure the economic wellbeing of the region’s inhabitants. The commune of Plan Hidalgo is both an important agricultural region and a renown historical and tourist site in Mexico, having several World Heritage Sites as well as local rituals and practices designated as Intangible cultural heritage by UNESCO. Maintaining the economic welfare of the population is foundational to ensuring the preservation of this important heritage, a vision that has been embedded into the MUS and which aims maximize diversity by applying local land-use techniques in close collaboration with communities in the region. Production optimization is assured through milpas (permaculture-based maize fields) and land-use includes managed forests, cattle ranching, and cash crops, such as orange orchards. National support organizations have helped maintaining, evaluating and advocating for locally-derived MUS as a way to adapt to sudden changes in land-use, the encroachment of multinationals, as well as address local perspectives and priorities for ecological restoration and preservation of heritage sites, and guarantee the welfare of local populations. As one of the most important cultural and historical sites in the country with a significant tourism industry, Totonacapan region relies on sound ecosystem management that values and integrates Indigenous knowledge systems.

Lastly, Ghadimi and Radu, extend the discussion on the links between ecosystem management and tourism development through a case study of the Khafr village in Iran. Ecotourism has potential for positive environmental, economic and social impacts and is considered as a sustainable development tool that is supported by international institutions such as the United Nations and the World Trade Organization. Although much of the literature on ecotourism has focused on the environmental impacts, this study examines people’s knowledge and view of ecotourism development to assess potential socio-cultural impacts of Community Based Ecotourism (CBE). As a relatively new designated ecotourism site by the Iranian government, Khafr is nonetheless faced with the lack of organizational and institutional support, as well as a unreliable tourism infrastructure and precarious local capacity for ecotourism development. Understanding people’s vision for ecotourism development as well as local priorities and needs, is essential before tourism- related planning for a region is implemented. The survey conducted in collaboration with the village identified the following essential elements for a sound implementation of CBE: clear and informed consent for ecotourism development; consideration for gender roles in decision-making; promoting local self-confidence and building social capital; implementation of local guidelines and code-of-conduct; ongoing monitoring; and a robust support and assistance network for ecotourism destinations. The study revealed that although Khafr village is one of the 424 designated ecotourism sites in Iran, it receives little guidance from the central government. Nevertheless the local vision for ecotourism is very much in line with the international policy recommendations for achieving UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which combines social inclusiveness and poverty reduction with environmental protection and climate change adaptation.

Looking forward

The articles in this Special edition show that climate resilient cities cannot work in isolation from broader regional ecosystem dynamics. Indeed, whether through green roofs or water management plans, cities are increasingly restoring landscapes that have historically been eliminated with industrial and urban planning schemes. Linkages between the health of the ecosystem and the health of populations are now at the basis for ensuring adaptation to increasing global warming. Technological innovation is contributing to this global shift where solutions for a fossil-fuel dependency are already becoming not only socially desirable, but also economically viable. According to the European Commission, the EU is well on track to meeting its 20% renewable energy target. In 2017, 17.5% of its energy use came from renewables – hydroelectricity, solar and wind. While Sweden is leading in terms of renewable output thanks to its hydropower and biofuels, even Germany, who is the largest consumer of coal, has set 2038 as the target by which it will close all of its 84 coal-fired power plants (EC, 2019).

TheEuropeanClimateAdaptationPlatformClimate-ADAPT,apartnership between the European Commission and the European Environment Agency (EEA), includes two important mechanisms for climate adaptation in South Eastern Europe – the Transnational cooperation program for the Danube Area (INTERREG V B Danube Programme (DTP) and the Framework Convention on the Protection and Sustainable Development of the Carpathians (Carpathian Convention). Focused on climate study, data gathering, mapping and scientific knowledge mobilization, these programs aim to strengthen transnational cooperation, improve local economies and wellbeing, as well as conserving ecosystems and protecting cultural heritage. Romania has made its own inroads in terms of climate change adaptation planning with three municipalities (Braşov, Sibiu and Târgu Mureş) participating in the The Greenways for Sustainable Development project, which aimed to increase decision-makers’ knowledge of climate change, adaptation measures and policy implementation. The National Meteorological Administration of Romania (Meteo-Ro) is partner in the URCLIM, the Advanced Urban Climate Services project, which provides open urban data and regional climate data to urban planners and stakeholders as a support to decision making.

As the IPCC special report underlines, system transformations necessary for sustainability requires integrated approaches of policy measures, technological innovation and citizen participation in decision- making. The recent direct action and social mobilization across the globe is testament to the power of solidarity both among generations but also across the spectrum of sustainability targets. Long excluded for the western concept of development based on unlimited economic growth, local and Indigenous peoples’ knowledge and practices are increasingly contributing to devising adaptability measures. Poverty reduction, human security, and social and environmental justice are pointing to the kind of societal transformation that recognizes the limits of growth in a world with finite resources.


Green Roof: A sustainable way to improve air quality in urban city - Ying KAN


This paper describes policy used in Toronto to encourage the construction of green roofs to combat issues of air pollution. A recent study (2014) by the Toronto Public Health Department estimated that air pollution contributed to 1,300 premature deaths and 3,550 hospitalizations annually, a decrease of 23% in premature deaths and 41% in hospitalizations compared with 2004. This data suggests that policy measures since the early 2000 has had positive effect on the urban population health. This paper traces the policy framework and the measures put forth, and specifically green roof initiatives that the City of Toronto has enacted to address health and sustainability issues in this large urban area.

Application of multiple-use strategies (MUS) and Indigenous knowledge in resource management in Mexico - Stephanie Vigneux


Current trends in resource depletion suggest that a broader strategy is required in order to preserve the resilience and reproductive capacity of Mexico’s tropical forests in the best interest of guaranteeing their sustainability. This research analysis seeks to understand the characteristics of threatened natural resources and the processes through which they are managed, allocated and conserved in Plan de Hidalgo, Mexico through application of multiple-use strategies (MUS) and Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) by the Totonac people.

Helping the Rivers Breathe Again: the Apache Water Restoration Project - Darcie Matthews


The White Mountain Apache Tribe are successfully managing and restoring the resources on their reservation land using the wisdom of elders who hold the knowledge of traditional cultural practices and metaphors. This paper aims to illustrate the successes experienced by the tribe in water resource management and riparian restoration guided by two forces: traditional place names and the traditional understandings of the inseparability between physical/social health and ecological health. Not without its challenges and ongoing issue of resource extraction issues, habitat restoration projects and the need for interagency collaboration is key to successful land management and respect of Indigenous rights and knowledge.

The role of institutional frameworks in minimizing socio-cultural impacts of ecotourism: lessons from Khafr village - Iran Negar Ghadimi, Independent researcher & Ioana Radu, Independent researcher


This study examines people’s knowledge and view of ecotourism development to assess potential socio-cultural impacts in Khafr Village, one of the government-designated ecotourism destinations in Iran. It compares the impacts on local livelihoods and the governance of Iran’s institutional arrangements through which ecotourism is delivered. Although ecotourism has been recognised as a social development tool by the Iranian government in the late 1990s, the National Committee of Ecotourism has not defined specific policy measures to reduce socio-cultural impacts, although it has designated some 424 tourism locations in the country. A questionnaire was designed and distributed among 33 participants to identify concerns, expectations, knowledge and needs of the local people in the Khafr village. This study shows that people do not have the necessary information about ecotourism development in their region to make informed decisions on government led ecotourism projects. At the same time Iranian ecotourism policy and institutional arrangements are ineffective and conflicting. This paper suggests policy guidelines to promote ecotourism and maximise its benefits for local people in this case and similar ecotourism destinations in Iran.

Keywords: ecotourism governance, site perceptions, community based ecotourism, voluntary code-of-conduct, Iran, Khafr

The Urban Anthropology Journal No.12 (2018)

Revista de Antropologie Urbană Nr.7
The Urban Anthropology Journal - Nr.12 (2018) - CONTENTS


  • The periphery of social groups and cultural marginalities – Adrian Majuru
  • Die Peripherie der der Socialen und der Culturellen Marginalien – Adrian Majuru

FILE / Dosier-

  • Urban subcultures in relation to the space – Ana Maria Florea
  • Public space and accessibility – Elis-Nicoleta Minea
  • Suburbia – urban models and social controversies of their dwelling – Andra Gabriela Tanase
  • Urban public space – elements of identity in the collective culture – Ana Eliza Ungureanu
  • Acquisition of public space in the context of neoliberal urbanism – Andrei Vlad Văcaru
  • The man or the place? What are we investing in? – Marin Horațiu
  • From St. Joseph’s Cathedral to Cathedrala Plaza: the boundary between the sacred and the secular space in the urban environment – Adrian Pogar


  • Dynamics of social relations in the urban environment – Smaranda Centea
  • The influence of urban development on children – Violeta Andreea Dumitru
  • Bucharest – the poor population – Veronica Neagu


  • Contemporary urban dynamics and case studies from the world – Marilena Virginia Brastaviceanu
  • Water and living in the Roman space – early changes in the urban cultural landscape of Greek influence. Case study – the terms of Volubilis, North Africa – Luiza- Cecilia Spiridon
  • The evolution of man through reason in planning and design of urban space – Elena Cosmina Dena
  • Urban cemeteries – a promenade in the city – Silvia-Valentina Zamfir


  • Cultural dimensions of the impact of climate change and adaptation – Permaculture, a lifestyle – Andreea Toma
  • Human evolution against the background of dependence on natural resources – Iulia Stanciu

Editorial: The periphery of social groups and cultural outliers - Adrian Majuru



The unknown waits beyond the horizon, the unpredictable, the space of unexpected encounters, unstable cartographies and a social fluidity in perpetual motion. “Under the city”, beyond the walls, as was the Ancient and Medieval definition, is the space where one must overcome one’s fear, humanizing quotidian spaces and freeing one’s self from the severity of customs and prejudices.

The periphery as a geographic representation never necessarily involved a similar behavioral manifestation. New districts and borders have always existed. Metropoles and colonies, as well. The suburbs of yesterday become the courted residential space of a near future in the space of one generation.

The suburbs of the 19th century, for example, offered Romanian cities the “new clothes” of capitalist economy. During this period rich in demographic and economic events affecting Romanian cities, the suburban space is the one which mainly received rural immigrants looking for new work and life opportunities, contributing to the formation of that clichéd image of the suburbs, mostly defined in the sphere of individual or group behavior, different from the rural one but still insufficiently urban. In Transylvanian cities, modernization occurred with more ease as the main urban centers already had a better situation compared to Moldavian and Wallachian cities.

In the last five decades of the previous century, the socialist clothing of urbanization, sewn by the political regime of the people’s party, had a permanent accessory: sustained industrialization, a reality that “radically modified the geography of Romania’s system of urban settlements”. New cities emerged, created according to prognoses which did not correlate with the demographic and economic realities of the spaces involved. The number of cities doubled between 1948 and 1989, with numerous cities actually being “spatial situations (often virtual)” that resembled villages rather than suburban landmarks. Then, for fifty years, the “vast majority of suburban settlements became housing estates”, also accentuating their pre-urban agricultural profile.

The present is something new, something that inserts itself in details unforeseen one generation ago. The thematic dossier of the present issue of the Urban Anthropology Journal (RAU) groups a series of articles related to the theme of outlying social groups and their extensions in cultural peripheries.

The thematic dossier is opened by an ample exposé concerning cultural and social outliers, collateral to the idea of social periphery, with a representation for the 20th   century. The article signed by Ana Maria Florea (Urban subcultures   in relation with space) informs us that Europe and, in particular, the Anglo-Saxon space (including the USA as well) offered the rhythm of social diversities with     an Utopic resonance in the immediate, as a reaction to the accelerated changes (which occurred throughout a statistic generation) regarding ideological and social directions which formed the basis of the opponents’ world. The 20th century continued in the new millennium, along with this confrontation-resistance against the refusal to change or against accelerated modernisation exhibited by a social and ideological majority, often hostile in this confrontation (as was the recent episode of the Yellow vests movement in the west).

Pubic space and accessibility is the second article of the thematic dossier, published by Elis Nicoleta Minea. This work focuses on mobility and accessibility as a form of communication that must be reformatted with each generation and new technology to make the most of time on an urban scale. The sustainability projections of accessibility in the space of a dynamic city are oriented by the author towards clearly conceptually defined solutions implemented in areas where urban development vectors are much more accelerated.

In the study Suburbia – urban models and social controversies of suburban living, the author (Andra Gabriela Tănase) offers the representation of an ample phenomenon that began during the past century – the escape of suburbia towards non-urban areas that it colonizes by urbanizing them, by exporting behavioral and living patterns, until it attains complete substitution. Thus, the differences between the metropolis tens of kilometers away and the new colonized space cease to be relevant.

Ana Eliza Ungureanu in her article Urban public spaces – elements of collective cultural identity, presents and develop the concept of public space integrated in globalization and the revolution of communication. The urban morphology of space, developed in the first part of the past century, forgoes identity as manifestation, with residual spaces devoid of identity or historical meanings but with an identity that can be valued through social or professional representation, for the new generation. The author proposes solutions for the shortcomings of contemporary public spaces and their relation with cultural identity.

The fifth work deals with Regaining urban space in the context of neoliberal urbanism, written by Andrei Vlad Văcaru. Urban neoliberalism is both political and ethical, referring to a better world. The author expands on the idea of the right to a city beyond political correctness, by attenuating “social inequality, segregation and the limited and differentiated access to basic public facilities”. Beyond the reshaping of the city to serve the immediate interests of investors and tourists, the right to the city must recover the interest for other deciding factors, including the participation of inhabitants in making urban space more dynamic.

In his article, Marin Horațiu raises the question Man or place? Which investment ought to be prioritized? The local acknowledgement of needs and opportunities will diversify the economic argument in favor of new approaches such as place-based or the more costly spatially-blind approaches. The author presents the confrontation as a type of investment, between place-based and people-based in the context of demographic growth and rising costs regarding the re-professionalization determined by new technologies. The solution lies in the dynamic of relations between local needs and priorities.

To conclude, Adrian Pogar presents the fluid border between sacred and profane in the urban environment, as an area of manifestation, representation   or confrontation, starting from the association between the St. Joseph Cathedral and Cathedral Plaza. The civic identity of the religious man differs, in the view of the author, from the one of the layperson, the latter associating only a functional quality to the space, hence the slogan “We want hospitals, not cathedrals”.

Aside from the thematic dossier, RAU has three large chapters in its structure: Social Anthropology, Urban Anthropology and the Anthropology of health, dedicated to the apparent urban space. Articles published here expand on the subjects broached in the thematic dossier, approaching issues related to the contemporary city, with predictions concerning the upcoming generation, containing both case studies as well as associations between several cities presenting the same type of vulnerability such as poverty or access to natural resources such as water.

Concerning poverty and social vulnerabilities that stem from it, we mention the articles The influence of urban development on children (Andreea Dumitru), The Dynamic of social relationships in the urban environment (Smaranda Centea), Bucharest – the destitute population (Veronica Neagu).

As a final chapter in the story, the subterranean has its own hierarchy of values, gauchely censored by the diurnal world, where, for show, we pretend to love the clean, the truth, culture, civilization. Here, in the veritable cruelties of     a world refused and marginalized through indifference, ignorance or inability, is where social earthquakes begin, where the cultural collapses occur, pathologic pandemics of inadequacy, misunderstanding and ignorance, alongside the danger of de-spiritualization.

The social subterranean escapes institutional control because it knows other ways to manifest in history. In order to secure tranquility one does not require

control, but knowledge instead. In the diurnal world we have gotten accustomed to use words only appropriate to us, icebergs whose tips can be seen in fragments, like social accessories unfit for the ordered world: beggary, vagabondage, delinquency, prostitution, alienation, suicide, witchcraft etc. Are all these social realities, forms of manifestation of the nocturnal, not a warning sign for the diurnal world, signaling the necessity of a dialogue, of a knowledge left abandoned and only included in the dry statistics of forensic medicine, criminalistics or social services?

The peculiarity of Romanian communism consisted precisely in a social specificity: the lack of efficiency exhibited by institutional programs created for social sanitization, the cleansing and culturalisation of all that belonged to the social nocturnal. The collapse of a society in particular and a people in general, in history, is caused by the willful and aggressive ignorance towards social peripheries, from the poor to the infirm, as well as by the indifference regarding the demographic growth of the social pauperization, which determined the overpopulation of the social subterranean. The result will be yet another social cataclysm, the force of which could easily cause the downfall of political regimes, social systems apparently harmoniously articulated, as well as cultural values that took a long time to be built.

The progressive poverty that extends and reached into many contemporary social layers manifests itself through demoralization towards one’s own people, a skepticism in believing that an issue could be solved without having an in or handing out a bribe etc. The multitude of social issues mounts in a geometric progression on the scale of official indifference.

The social peripheries must be humanized and spiritualized by transitioning from survival and social parasitism to making the most of every human potential by providing free access to food, education and hygiene. Ignoring the spaces of social suffering means condemning the coming generation to a “quotidian death”, while social polarization runs the risk of degenerating into an exclusivist point reserved for the strong and a vast human majority left to chance. Throughout history, such experiments swept away empires and civilizations.

Another aspect of an unfavorable prognosis is tied to the dynamic of urban spaces’ habitation and access to natural resources a city must benefit from constantly. Here we have the remarkable articles signed by Marilena Virginia Brastaviceanu (The contemporary urban dynamic and study cases from around the world), Luiza Cecilia Spiridon (Water and living in the Roman space – early changes in the urban cultural landscape of Greek influence. Case study: the Volubilis baths

– North Africa) and Elena Cosmina Dena (The evolution of Man through reason in planning and designing the urban space).

The perspective on urban cemeteries, presented by Silvia Valentina Zamfir in the article Urban cemeteries – an urban promenade spot, is also surprising, as this time the religious and profane space offer an identity representation of memory through its integration within urban leisure. There is even a heaven for pets now, not only one reserved for people, and the city reinvents for its inhabitants of all kinds, the relationship between the sacred and the profane, making it a part of a daily dimension deemed acceptable by many.

Regarding the prognosis for durable policies concerning life in the city for future generations, until 2038-2040, Andreea Toma offers a new perspective on solutions for sustainable regeneration in her article The cultural dimensions of climate change’s impact and of adaptation. Permaculture, a way of life. In the same vein, Iulia Stanciu offers a series of benchmarks for the gradual transition to a system of sustainable city development in the near future, a subject she addresses in her article Human evolution in the context of dependency on natural resources.

Urban subcultures in relation to the space - Ana Maria Florea


Cities are characterized by a wide variety of social groups and lifestyles. Subcultures appear as an alternative to normality because they criticize the dominant social standard. The paper aims to analyze how some of these groups have felt their presence în the city, highlighting their own identity. From a simple picture, a lifestyle, a behavior or a series of collective convictions, we will see how these groups have unleashed real urban movements.

Key words: Anthropology, Sociology, City, Urban Culture, Subculture, Urban Movement

Public space and accessibility - Elis-Nicoleta Minea


The work focuses on public space from the point of view of accessibility, following a clear narrative. As with any study, I began by defining and explaining the terms elemetary in establishing a clear basis and in indicating the direction in which the work will be going.

Following the definition of public space and establishing of elements which take part in the concept of public space, I chose to discuss about a subject that is very important to the city nowadays, namely mobility.

In essence, the fundamental sense of mobility in urban territories is provided by accessibility. I approached the points targeted by accessibility and presented means to plan accessibility in public spaces based on Dutch models, the VINEX Policy and the ABC Policy.

The effects produced by the shaping of accessibility in public space differs from case to case, but they are mainly positive and require application in order to improve the quality of public space.

Keywords: public space, mobility, accessibility, mobility planning policies, instruments, proximity unit, functional mix, “the city for people”, eliminating automobiles, continuous accessibility, terrain utilisation, access to any means of transportation

Suburbia - urban models and social controversies of their dwelling - Andra Gabriela Tănase


Suburbia is a preponderantly residential area, which in most cases can have mixed functions as well, in addition to habitation, that is either part of the outskirts of a city, our outside of its territorial limits.

Most often, it is defined in contrast with the central areas of cities, the suburban way of life being in opposition with the urban one, agitated, crowded and unstable. Additionally, the reduced population density is another aspect typical of suburbia, as opposed to the city. However the suburbia mustn’t be confused with suburbanized areas.

Suburbanized areas are closely linked to the activities organized in the city, related to services and industry, unlike the rural areas where agricultural activities are emphasized.

Keywords: suburbia, the residential area, the rural area, periphery, territorial boundaries, urban density.

Urban public space - elements of identity in the collective culture - Ana Eliza Ungureanu


The critical problem of public space in the contemporary city is that it no longer serves its purpose of social coagulation and the creation of a collective culture.

Public space has to be a space accessible to all citizens, which do not require specific identifications to be frequented; it must protect social differences and avoid conflict and antagonism. It is also necessary for it to remain a common space, which belongs to society, creating the premises of equality between consumers. It cannot provide any meaning to common things, without a sustained effort to improve social welfare and justice.

Keywords: public space, centrality, identity, spatial relationships, diversity, necessity, culture, public opinion, private interests, public interests

Acquisition of public space in the context of neoliberal urbanism - Andrei Vlad Văcaru


One of the main issues of modern urban spaces is the process of neoliberal restructuring, which is based on the principles of democracy but which threatens it from a social standpoint. It is now pretty clear that the current economic tendencies have reached a point where, through privatization, they have managed to diminish the role of public urban space in favor of private companies that focus more on economic growth rather than the benefit of society. As a result, it is quite predictable that such a situation would cause multiple debates on the means of regaining public space, such as the idea of “right to the city”, a way of answering neoliberal urbanism and of giving power to the inhabitants of urban environments. This article analyses the way in which privatization modelled cities and the manner in which cities also shaped the individual. Consequently, the right to the city is explored as a manner of resisting actual threats to urban rights, which, in this case, is synthesized through the movement of communal gardens in New York.

Keywords: neoliberal restructuring, neoliberal direction, the benefit of society, public space, city, individual, right to the city, communal gardens, locative fund, underdevelopment of living space, administrative systems

The man or the place? What are we investing in? - Marin Horațiu


The action of planning supposes taking some decisions over others. Throughout history all investments focused on increasing the quality of life for people, however the distinction can be made in the kinds of approaches used, investing in people to develop places or investing in places to develop people? In other words are place-based investments better than people-based ones? In specialised literature no consensus on the matter has been reached, and opinions differ even today regarding which means of planning is most appropriate. The present work represents a synthesis of ideas expressed by other authors and tries to clearly differentiate between the two. The work concludes by supporting one of the means the author considers to be better suited.

Keywords: place-based investments, people-based investments, urban planning, theory of concourse, under-utilisation of local potential, local actors, transfer of knowledge

From St. Joseph's Cathedral to Cathedrala Plaza: the boundary between the sacred and the secular space in the urban environment - Adrian Pogar


This paper analyses the dynamics between sacred and secular spaces in cities, presenting as case study the conflict between the Roman-Catholic Bishopry in Bucharest and the Millennium Building Development company. This conflict allows the revisiting of Mircea Eliade’s theories about religious spaces seen as world centers. The analysis starts with the chronological examination of the evolution of the Catholic community in Bucharest and continues with the history of the first Catholic churches built in the city. After that, the study presents the parallel evolution of the two sides involved, the Saint Joseph Cathedral represented by the Roman-Catholic Bishopry and the Cathedral Plaza office building represented by the Millennium Building Development company, considering both the social and the legal aspects of the conflict. Finally, the research observed different ways in which the Catholic community expressed solidarity by engaging in specific actions of protest. The study explores different forms of civic action in the city environment, presenting two different ways of imagining the urban scenery, exemplifying Eliade’s affirmation that “the sacred and the profane are two ways of being in the world, two existential situations accepted by man throughout history”1.

Keywords: sacred space, Catholicism, secularization, conflict.

Dynamics of social relations in the urban environment - Smaranda Centea


The present work represents a short introduction and overview of the way in which the phenomenon of urbanization shapes the relationships between individuals that form an urban community, having the work of American sociologist Louis Wirth, Urbanism as a Way of Life (1938) both as a starting point and foundation. The notion of urban anthropology and its ramifications are presented and defined on the basis of the selected study, the notion of urban community and urbanization, also offering as data a series of historical aspects related to the evolution of urbanization in the context of globalization. Taking into account these elements of content, following the logic and timeline of the city growth phenomenon in the context of globalization, I focused, towards the end, on an effect of the latter, the population migration phenomenon and the way it affects urban planning and development nowadays. I tried to trace, in a very brief manner compared to the complexity of the chosen subject, the dynamic of interactions between the different inhabitants of current urban environments.

Keywords: phenomenon of urbanization, phenomenon of globalization, behavioral modeling, interconnection, migration, holistic vision, heterogeneity, generative space, secular

The influence of urban development on children - Violeta Andreea Dumitru


Cities develop and extend at such a speed that, soon, the majority of the world’s children will live in urban areas. However, as urban spaces do not develop homogenously, featuring inequalities in regards to services and areas where services are provided, leading to health, education, leisure and safety issues. How can we make these cities, these areas of cities, suited for children? What is the current impact of these areas? How can we invest in children so that they experience a regular childhood? How can we shape urban development to be appropriate for them? In this work I underlined the importance of education and listening to children in what concerns decisions taken in urban planning and development, but also on the way the city and the environment influence life and the proper development of children and the importance of being a child in these times, of feeling like a child at any age through play and creativity.

Keywords: perception, experience, child-friendly city, right to education, play, future, designing for the future

Bucharest - the poor population - Veronica Neagu


Since ancient times, different approaches to poverty have been found, all of which resemble the idea of status that the inhabitant should accept. It was caused by individual, economic and social factors. Poverty is a way of life, marked by a lack of protected and prolonged childhood, lack of education, abandonment of the family, acute feelings of marginalization, addiction and inferiority.

The main vulnerable groups are children and young people without parental care and support, single or dependent elderly people, rroms (gypsy), people with disabilities or people living in marginalized communities.

Romania does not get rid of this problem. After Bulgaria, she ranks second in the European Union, depending on the percentage of people living on the poverty line, the most affected being the South East region. The discrepancy is growing with the industrialization. Poor districts represent the screen that gave rise to the ghettos, so there are 5 ghettos in Bucharest. In these poor neighborhoods most of the marginalized people live. Most, if not all of the marginal areas in Bucharest were formed after the Revolution, and their emergence is the result of socio-economic and post-decade changes.

The poverty rate over the last 15 years has fallen from 38.2% to 30.3%. This is the effect of the anti-poverty policies implemented in recent years at both local and national level, and of the programs and projects implemented in Bucharest to reduce the poverty level and improve the quality of life.

Keywords: poverty, vulnerable groups, marginalization, standard, society, living standard, ghetto, social policy, population, community, social inclusion, local authority

Contemporary urban dynamics and case studies from the world - Marilena Virginia Brastaviceanu


This paper focuses on the continuously process of urban changes in recent centuries and so far, by reviewing different cases of world cities and critics.

The city is becoming a friendly framework for urban development and people are the authors for new urban silhouettes. The way they live in the urban environment has changed significantly, being directly connected with the information and technological developments, that generates a metamorphosis of the cities.

Starting from the issue of dwelling in cities and how they are created, we comment on the global, European, Asian and United States cases, targeting the comparison between Romania, China and finally about England.

The phenomenon of urbanization and the demographic explosion end up with excessive manifestations with harmful effects on the living environment, which society does not realize because of the desire for unlimited development.

In this sense, the aim of the paper is to understand different ways of approaching the evolution of the city from the perspective of urban anthropology, the housing stock in different environments, the adaptability of societies to unexpected cases and the fact that the dwelling is more than a shelter.

Keywords: house, socialist regime, contemporary urban expansion, urban dynamics, Romania, China, Europe, USA, technological evolution, social explosion, the city of the future

Water and living in the Roman space - early changes in the urban cultural landscape of Greek influence. Case study - the terms of Volubilis, North Africa - Luiza- Cecilia Spiridon


This work aims to research social and economic aspects in relation to urban and architectural (residential) development in Roman colony cities of Greek influence, taking the city of Volubilis, North Africa, as case study. In this regard, we have studied the evolution of baths in the House of Venus in order to discover how the public or private nature of these baths changed in relation to the city. We identified two possible hypotheses: the baths were initially private and later became public, as occurred in Rome starting with the 2nd century B.C. or the baths were initially public but became private later on, because of changes in social stratification and the generation of new social hierarchies. The second hypothesis is also based on contemporary realities from similar geographic spaces, where certain families would secure a much higher position compared to the rest of society, which prioritised the need for representation of these over that of financial gain. To answer this problem, private and public Roman baths were studied in Northern Africa, insisting on how access was permitted and the distribution of spaces within houses, as well as the dimension of baths in relation with the corresponding flux of people. The network of baths already discovered in Volubilis was also studied in order to more exactly determine the context of the development of the House of Venus’ bath over time.

Keywords: water utilisation, water, baths, Greek-Roman landscape, Roman colonies, Roman Africa.

The evolution of man through reason in planning and design of urban space - Elena Cosmina Dena


This research provides an overview of the development of urban spaces over time in relation human evolution and emphasizes the importance of collaborating with the community to create a common quality space for people. The question is whether urban space – whether public or private – plays an important role in civic matters nowadays or not? The research is based on the theories of the world-renowned philosophers and contemporary urban quality observers, including Jane Jacobs and Jan Gehl. For more than forty years, Jan Gehl has been trying to transform the urban environment from all over the world, according to his theories. He is trying to analyze how people use or could use the spaces in the city near their homes or places of work. The author clearly explains the methods and the tools he uses to remodel urbanism and make cities live for people.

Keywords: permaculture, sustainable development, human habitation, urvanisation process

Urban cemeteries - a promenade in the city - Silvia-Valentina Zamfir


In the urban area, the wedding and the funeral are regarded as economic problems, an instrument of social hierarchy for the living. From the funeral to the grave in fact, all that is relat of death are un advertising aspect in wich with the passage of the time, more and more is being invested. Urban cemeteries become a neutral space that shelters lifeless bodies and at the same time, it becomes the image of the social difference, because not all cemeteries in the city has the same price, some are more sought after that others due to their position as central as they have they have, others are the outskirts of the city, are cheaper and are chosen in the last resort. At the same time, the tomb architecture offers urban cemeteries and a promenade.

One of the cemeteries visit by tourists and those living in Bucharest is the Bellu cemetery, which, besides this function, often offers a show due to the funerals that take place there. The Bellu Cemetery is the big cemetery in Bucharest, and besides his funeral function, it is also consider a museum and a promenade place for the inhabitants of the Bucharest, as well as for the tourists. If the Bellu cemetery is a cemetery where the bodies of the living people bury in graves, chapels, crypts and epitaphs with an impressive architecture, a cemetery of animals was built on the edge of of the city, in Cățelu common.

The Animal Heaven is the only one cemetery in Romania. A visit in a cemetery of animals can be great experiance for everything that all exists there- the graves themselves, where they have a funerary stone signed with the name of the animal and a representative picture, a cross with objects of the dead animal and the park wich surrounding the cemetery. In addition to funeral function, people can leave their animals when they go on holiday and the animal can be cared there. The animal cemetery is part of the civilization imposes by de city and which, like the Bell Cemetery, offers the people another space for promenade. There are some questions that these space has become as promenade places and we will try to find their answer on this topic such as: How did a cemetery become a promenade and what is the behavior of people in this place? In the urban area, the cemeteries have lost their funeral function? Is the city asking for a funeral space for animals? Do animals need their cemetery? What research perspectives offer these spaces with double meanings in urban space?

Keywords: urban; funeral space; cemetery; the animal cemetery; promenade space.

Cultural dimensions of the impact of climate change and adaptation - Permaculture, a lifestyle - Andreea Toma


Natural science disciplines ranging from climatology to oceanography and from geophysics to biogeography have been involved in research on climate change and its implications for sustainability, but over the past few decades anthropologists have examined these same issues from a rather different perspective. Even earlier, physical anthropologists and archaeologists had begun examining the role of primarily natural climate change in the bio-cultural evolution of humans in Africa and their subsequent dispersal to Eurasia, Australia, and the Americas. Climate change appears to have played a prominent role in the formation of various civilizations, the occupation or abandonment of different regions over time, and the collapse of major civilizations and indigenous societies. This brief focuses on the recent work of sociocultural anthropologists on anthropogenic climate change, a phenomenon that began with the Industrial Revolution and is characterized by heavy reliance on fossil fuels and emphasis on persistently enduring economic growth. Particularly after World War II, the global economy began to promote and rely on relentless consumption of manufactured products. This economic model has diffused from the first industrialized countries to the developing world through trade, foreign investment, aid and development programs, and its sustainability implications are not confined to anthropogenic climate change.

Keywords: Sustenability, climate change, societies, anthropology, permaculture

Human evolution against the background of dependence on natural resources - Iulia Stanciu


The human evolution can not be seen as existing only by itself, the phenomenon is in fact a sum of conditions that have coexisted and have cooperated to make possible the evolution. In the human race transformation process, the natural resources were decisive in achieving the human goals and were also the background for the human evolution; which is why this paper is analyzing the relation between people and natural resources, studying the impact of human evolution on natural resources and vice versa.

Keywords: human being, development, resources, sustainability, revolution, renewable, addiction.

The Urban Anthropology Journal No.11 (2018)

Revista de Antropologie Urbană Nr.7
The Urban Anthropology Journal - Nr.11 (2018) - CONTENTS


  • Global movements, local shifts: migration, immigration and the city – Ioana RADU



  • The Urban Pirate: Rethinking the piratical as a “worlding” practice in the Global South- Piyusha CHATTERJEE
  • Immigrant Alexandria: An Ongoing Oral History Project in Alexandria, Virginia – Terilee EDWARDS-HEWITT
  • Movement within and against the city: Homeless youth activism in Kitchener- Waterloo and its relation to ‘Existential migration’ – Nadia HAUSFATHER



  • A Vision for Holistic Wellness Starts at Home: Indigenous urban mobility and two cases of social housing in Aotearoa New Zealand and Australia – Justine PARISIEN-DUMAIS, Sydni JACKSON, Kayla MICHAUD and Ioana RADU

Editorial Global movements, local shifts: migration, immigration and the city - Ioana Radu, PhD

In 2016 the Canada-European Union Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) had reached a deadlock when Romania and Bulgaria refused to sign on to the deal if their second-class treatment afforded by Canada would continue. The two countries were the only EU members not to benefit from Canada’s visa-free regime. With a net benefit threshold set at C$1.5 billion, CETA was a major economic opportunity that Canada could not afford to miss.

The fact that Romanians today have to bring a major trade agreement to a halt just so they can visit family and friends in Canada is symbolic of the major shifts in socioeconomic and geopolitical configurations that globalization has engendered. Almost two centuries ago, just as nowadays, Canada was reeling from a difficult economic recession. It thirsted for settlers to remake its Prairies into the New World Breadbasket. Romanians were then prized targets, enjoying extensive targeted advertising and dedicated immigration agencies. As then Minister of the Interior, Sir Clifford Sifton, put it: “a stalwart peasant in a sheep-skin coat, born on the soil, whose forefathers have been farmers for ten generations, with a stout wife and a half dozen children, is a good quality.”

The 21st Century is no longer looking for farmers with large families. The knowledge society requires a different kind of workforce and plays by different kinds of rules. The city thrives without knowing what the countryside does, yet, is just as dependent on its harvests. This special issue of the Journal of Urban Anthropology explores the personal, institutional, and policy shifts of urban immigration and migration. What are the local sociopolitical and economic transformations that prompts people to leave their home countries and how do they adjust to life outside and beyond their longstanding social networks? How do cities and economies adjust to an influx of migrants and immigrants? What do life stories teach us about people’s lived experiences and their agency once embarked on the process of migration? And if globalization has accelerated people’s movements, how is knowledge circulated, protected and infringed?

Issue overview

People’s movements across the globe are intensifying as transportation and communication infrastructures open up physical and virtual spaces. Climate change, political strife and economic recession trigger massive population shifts challenging not only states’ legal and geopolitical arrangements, but more so the capacity of their citizens to absorb the flow of cultural and ideological diversity. The rise of far-right movements in Europe and elsewhere are testament to our slow conceptual, ethical and cognitive adaptation to diversity and multiculturalism in an age of hypermobility. As new cultural and sociopolitical configurations produce local urban shifts, global movements coalesce around collective and shared desires for social justice.

While historically states have been able to control (albeit to varying degrees) the flow of new arrivals though policy and policing, the ironic effect of trade agreements in reducing tariffs, quotas and restrictions for goods, has also made borders more porous to movement of bodies and ideas. In this special edition, Piyusha Chatterjee shows how the new neoliberal economy, tracing back to the Renaissance period, maintains imperial tenets of legality, property and power. Using the pirate figure, she unveils a postcolonial urbanity in which the top down neoliberal dream is subverted by the very ‘victims’ of its marginalizing tendencies. In the urban Global South, the informal economy of displaced people and their everyday practices complicate tendencies that see globalization as either a totalizing homogenous process or as an essentialized site of resistance. Chatterjee uses the concept of ‘worlding’, derived from Heidegger’s notion of ‘being in the world’, to show the urban space as an ‘assemblage of practices’ that enable the subaltern “to make themselves emerge within the neoliberal network and negotiate power and control”.

The City of Alexandria, a suburb of Washington DC, has until recently, welcomed mostly culturally homogenous immigrants. In 2010, the census showed that almost a quarter of its population was born outside of the United States. As its main department tasked with preservation and valorisation of historical information and artefacts, The Office of Historic Alexandria has, since the 1980s, used oral histories to “increase awareness of and appreciation for the range of the City’s people and heritage”. Depending mostly on volunteers, the Immigrant Alexandria Project began in 2015 as a way to better understand the experience of its newest citizens and to dispel linear and simplistic economic models of immigration and limited understandings of integration processes.

Depending mostly on volunteers, the Immigrant Alexandria Project began in 2015 as a way to better understand the experience of its newest citizens and to dispel linear and simplistic economic models of immigration and limited understandings of integration processes. The twenty-seven interviewees, coming form seventeen countries, show that education and political instability are among the most important reasons for leaving one’s home country. Terilee Edwards-Hewitt concludes that while common theories of international migration generally show a rural to urban mobility, in Alexandria most of the immigrants prior to their migration lived in urban and suburban areas where economic risk is usually easier to mitigate.

If immigration is generally understood as a response to external structural factors, what can the experience of voluntary migrants teach about freedom, independence and choice for those as the margins of citizenship? In her article, Nadia Hausfather, uses the concept of ‘existential migration’ to show how social mobilization among homeless youth in the Kitchener-Waterloo region of Canada played “an important role in shaping their experience of homelessness, in a manner that could be considered to have an ‘existential’ impact”. While youth are often the target of state control and source of adult anxiety, homeless youth can be said to be doubly marginalized first by their age, and second by their exclusion from social networks. What happens then when homeless youth mobilize to protect their rights and safety in a context when policing of their everyday lives furthers their already precarious reality? While ‘existential migration’ has been understood as an individual iteration of agency, Hausfather shows how activism becomes a ‘collectively-driven catalyst that can provide solace both psychological and existential’ for homeless youth activists.

As the original inhabitants and self-determined stewards of ancestral territories, Indigenous peoples have since 1492 pushed back against colonial power. Until recently, in much of the Commonwealth, being Indigenous and urban has been deemed an oxymoron. Long relegated to reserves and reservations, the Indigenous presence in the city has been consistently invisibilized. The hypermobility that characterizes the 21st Century is not reserved for middle class settlers. Indigenous peoples are increasingly becoming urbanized (and in many ways have always inhabited the city), reclaiming their original territories, while at the same time maintaining their kinship ties with their territorial communities. Justine Parisien-Dumais, Sydni Jackson, Kayla Michaud and Ioana Radu show how in Aotearoa New Zealand and Australia, Indigenous peoples invest in social housing as a way to ‘claim their rights to the city’. This concerted action that includes important collaborations with municipal and state actors, is not just about lowering rent cost, but more so a process of reclaiming place and building community in spaces that are often unwelcoming. Culturally safe integrated service delivery arrangements become a vital aspect of social housing for Indigenous peoples and of their wellbeing in cities across the world.


The city, bastion of modernity and cosmopolitanism, perpetually insomniac, is slowly losing some of its veneer. In its streets and alleyways, illegals and the marginalized are disturbing the normativity its has so long enjoyed. They are peddling goods and services outside the neoliberal networks, changing the very structure of the economic system. Homeless youth activists, Indigenous peoples, immigrants and migrants alike, are changing the very structure of our cognitive landscapes, reminding us that lives matter, that history is not an abstract linear process, that places and spaces are imbued with myriad meanings, and knowledge and ideas have escaped the policed borders and firewalled virtual networks for good. And although the image of yesteryear’s peasant, the noble and hardworking pioneer, has been replaced by the economic immigrant equally vital in maintaining the knowledge society, global population shifts will remain indeterminate in their composition. Uncertainty and subalternity may thus characterize urban reality in a globalized world.

Is this, then, the era of the subaltern? If so as Chatterjee alludes, by becoming visible and taking the power back, is the subaltern a mere illusion, romanticized by the neoliberal henchmen in order to docialize those on the margins? Perhaps the city, with its grey zones of action and alterity, can harmonize the local shifts in light of global movements and regenerate both the physical and existential struggles for social justice.

Ioana Radu, PhD
Concordia University, School of Community and Public Affairs

The Urban Pirate: Rethinking the piratical as a “worlding” practice in the Global South - Piyusha Chatterjee
The pirate is always portrayed as a crime against the dominant system of law, order and administration. It is as much a political position as it is indicative of social and economic marginalization in society. This paper argues that the piratical holds promise for the subaltern as a means to present itself before the world and stake a claim to it through practices that help them become visible to the state and the market. Whether it is media piracy in the developing economies or stealing of electricity and water by the urban poor through manipulation of the existing infrastructure, piracy translates into agency for the economically and politically marginalized in the Global South. Piracy is also linked with global population movements. I draw on the literature about “worlding” of cities in the Global South and read them in the light of the literature on piracy emerging from these places to draw links between the agency in piracy and the desire to go global among the people of the Global South. The urban poor from the Global South engage in the piratical – informal and illegal everyday practices from below – to make themselves visible to the global market, neoliberal institutions and state apparatuses.
Keywords: piracy, worlding, Global South, illegal, copyright, neoliberal
Piyusha Chatterjee
Concordia University

Immigrant Alexandria: An Ongoing Oral History Project in Alexandria, Virginia - Terilee Edwards-Hewitt
Immigrant Alexandria is a volunteer driven oral history project designed to recognize, celebrate and increase public awareness of the cultural diversity of the City of Alexandria, Virginia. The project was influenced by the 2010 U.S. census which found 24% of all City of Alexandria residents were born outside of the United States. After an intensive first year (2015-2016) funded by a grant, the project is continuing with the aim of involving members of the immigrant community with the museums in the City and informing the wider community of Alexandria’s diversity, and at the same time, its shared experiences. The use of oral histories as a research technique gives in-depth information about personal and cultural history as well as giving a perspective on the immigration experience that many people born in the U.S. are not familiar with or do not have access to. An advantage of using life histories for the Immigrant Alexandria Project helps demonstrate something which is often overlooked in popular media discussion of modern immigration: immigrants do not have a monolithic background, the same reasons for coming to the United States, or the same occupations in the U.S., even if the immigrants are from the same country. We conclude with a discussion of the successes and challenges of the Immigrant Alexandria Project.
This project was funded in its first year by a grant from the Virginia Foundation for the Humanities and with matching resources from the City of Alexandria, Virginia. Funding since the initial grant period is provided by the City of Alexandria’s Office of Historic Alexandria.
Keywords: Immigration, diversity, City of Alexandria, oral history, Office of
Historic Alexandria
Terilee Edwards-Hewitt
Office of Historic Alexandria, Virginia, USA

Movement within and against the city: Homeless youth activism in Kitchener-Waterloo and its relation to ‘Existential migration’ - Nadia Hausfather, PhD
In this article, I explore how Madison’s (2006 & 2016) concept of ‘existential migration’ applies to the experience of homeless youth who were involved in activism against and within the city. In 2004, I carried out a Participatory Action Research project with homeless youth in the ‘twin cities’ of Kitchener-Waterloo, Canada about the controversy in the community around homeless youth who were involved in activism. Based on interviews and surveys, I begin by exploring the concerns of adult key informants about homeless youth’s involvement in activism.
I then compare their perspectives to those of homeless youth activists, to suggest that the viewpoints of adult key informants were limited or paternalistic. Based on the experiences of homeless youth and an exploration of the theoretical background
of Madison’s concept, I suggest that the concept of existential migration can provide important insight to these homeless youth’s experience with activism. Youth reported
a sense of freedom, independence, choice, and meaning, without necessarily cutting ties to family or community. The particular experience of homeless youth activists suggests that Madison’s concept is limited by its focus on individual agency. Madison developed the concept of existential migration based on his own perception from his interviews with migrants, whose experience of movement to a new place was often solitary and ambivalent about belonging; in contrast, these homeless youth revealed a collective sense of belonging and agency, and societal awareness and purpose, based on their subaltern positionality and politics.
Keywords: existential migration, homelessness, youth, activism, Canada
Nadia Hausfather, PhD
Centre for Oral History and Digital Storytelling, Concordia University

A Vision for Holistic Wellness Starts at Home: Indigenous urban mobility and two cases of social housing in Aotearoa New Zealand and Australia - Justine Parisien-Dumais, Sydni Jackson, Kayla Michaud and Ioana Radu
In a context of accelerated Indigenous urbanization and increased mobility, social housing becomes a complex jurisdictional, cultural, and political challenge that speaks to both the colonial legacy of modern nation states as well as ways in which Indigenous Peoples are co-constructing a legitimate sense of belonging, community, and support in urban areas. This article begins with a discussion on social housing by focusing on various aspects that pertain to the urban Indigenous experience in Canada. We center this analysis in connection with the Indigenous urban experience in Tiohtiá:ke (City of Montreal) located on unceded Kanien’kehá:ka (Mohawk) territory, as this project emerged from a collaborative research project with Native Montreal – a Indigenous urban service provision institution. We connect the present Canadian social housing policy within the historiography of colonialism in Canada and use two case studies – the Māori Te Aro Pā Papakainga in the city of Wellignton, Aotearoa New Zealand and the experiences of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders in Australia, more specifically the Yumba-Meta Housing Association (State of Queensland) and Redfern neighborhood of Sydney – to identify successful Indigenous social housing initiatives that enhance leadership in their communities, ensure intergenerational transfer of housing, and bring awareness to Indigenous community ownership in order to reclaim simultaneously Indigenous rights to the bush and city. Investing in social housing is not just about lowering rent cost. In an Indigenous urban context t is about deep community building and engagement, about creating a ‘safer space’ to ensure Indigenous peoples’ place within an unwelcoming urban setting, and a process of reclaiming place. Reclaiming the “right
to the city” becomes possible when providing Indigenous peoples and their families adequate service delivery and with the guidance of well aware workers.
Keywords: social housing, urban Indigenous people, Māori, Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islanders, Tiohtiá:ke, Montreal

The Urban Anthropology Journal No.10 (2017)

Revista de Antropologie Urbană Nr.7
The Urban Anthropology Journal - Nr.10 (2017) - CONTENTS


  • Cities: Reactors for Economic Transactions (Cities and economies seen as transactions environments show a geographical behavior which may be described with the models of neutron physics giving a new light to Zipf’s law) – Ionut PURICA
  • Artificial Urbanization of the Rural withinprocesses of globalization and urban expansion -Metamorphosis of human mentalities and needs in dynamics and expansion areas of Bucharest – Oana-Luiza MIHAI
  • The cultural dimensions of impactclimate change and adaptation- Permaculture, a lifestyle – Andreea TOMA
  • Community organization, initiative groups citizens and urban communities in Bucharest – Lucian ZAGAN
  • Rural – Urban Disparities in Japan – Maria Costelia CLAPA


  • Azilul de bătrâni în România de azi, sau drumul de la abandonare la resemnare/ Granny Dumping in Nowadays Romania or From Abandonment to Resignation – Sultana AVRAM


  •  The Ecological Model of Violence Assessment in pupils – Ileana Maria MIREȘTEAN, Sorina IRIMIE, Ioana BELDEAN GALEA, Anda Ioana CURTA, Petru SANDU, Cosmina SAMOILĂ
  • The influence of virtual space on diversifying forms of protest – Andrei MUȘAT
  • Perception of public space in SHARED SPACE areas – Reona VULPE
  • Humanity seen at the dawn of the Artificial Revolution – Rareș-Laurențiu OPREA
  • Human evolution on the background of Natural Resources addiction – Iulia STANCIU

Cities: Reactors for Economic Transactions (Cities and economies seen as transactions environments show a geographical behavior which may be described with the models of neutron physics giving a new light to Zipf’s law) - Dr. Ionuț PURICA
The distribution of persons in each economy on their income is similar to the Maxwell-Boltzmann equilibrium distribution encountered in various physical systems. The transactions the persons are making to buy things that make them survive (in all sort of ways) are making them ‘poorer’ diminishing the amount of money they have. The ‘work and get paid’ type of transactions are rebuilding the financial capacity of the persons. Describing this process as a diffusion equation, in a cylindrical geometry, results in a Bessel function J0(r) solution which matches the density distribution of persons in Paris (as a typical circular pattern city). The analysis of the decrease in income shows a saving/spending behavior function which saturates around 15% – 20% of the total income. This is a possible explanation of the frequent savings value of 15%-22% of GDP found in various economies. Moreover, a simple equation for the dynamic behavior of a city, on which a 365d period is imposed, results in one week as the time after which persons have to be paid to restart transactions. The transaction cross section σ is shown to have a “1/income” behavior, being a measure of the capability to make transactions, proportional with the probability of enterprises to have an income greater than a given value
– this behavior has recently been shown to happen in various economies and is known as Zipf’s law. Using neutron physics methods in describing the economic transactions environment, opens an alternative view on the forecasting models of economic systems’ behavior, and shows that the geographical dimension of a city is determined by the economic transaction behavior/environment in that city.
Key words: diffusion equation, transaction cross, neutron physics methods, transactions environment
Dr. Ionuț PURICA

Artificial Urbanization of the Rural withinprocesses of globalization and urban expansion -Metamorphosis of human mentalities and needs in dynamics and expansion areas of Bucharest - Mihai Oana-Luiza
In the 20th century and mainly in the last 26 years of the 21st century, due to the rising speed of economic, social and environment processes with effects in every known domain of activity, including cities development and urban planning, under the concept of globalisation, Bucharest is facing a situation of choice between solving his problems or becoming a digital city as most of today cities are doing.
Passing through three different political eras with different ideologies, one key factor remained the same and continued to shape the city as we know today: the human need. Ever since the interbelic and cultural Bucharest, to the socialist city up to the democratic capital of Romania, the people needs influenced the development of the city and were influenced to develop the city.
The present paper analyses and compares the people needs in every political era and associate it with the city development, but most of all, with the incomparably urban sprawl as we see it today in Bucharest and it’s surrounding areas. Also, it tries to give a point of perspective, starting from a simple, yet important observation: if in the socialist era the condominiums were build in some areas of Bucharest without complete utility networks, and in the present day it’s hapenning the same thing, but in individual houses built in residential areas in the urban sprawl area, what will the city look like in the digital era and what the resident people needs will be? How will they continue to shape the city?
Key Words: needs, mentalities, living, urban planning, urbanisation, urban sprawl, development, knowledge society, dynamics, interdependence, virtualisation, processes, structures, multiplication, technology, globalisation, digital/ smart city
Mihai Oana-Luiza
Universitatea de Arhitectură și Urbanism „Ion Mincu”
Facultatea de Urbanism – Master Mobilitate Urbană

The cultural dimensions of impactclimate change and adaptation- Permaculture, a lifestyle - Andreea Toma
Natural science disciplines ranging from climatology to oceanography and from geophysics to biogeography have been involved in research on climate change and its implications for sustainability, but over the past few decades anthropologists have examined these same issues from a rather different perspective. Even earlier, physical anthropologists and archaeologists had begun examining the role of primarily natural climate change in the bio-cultural evolution of humans in Africa and their subsequent dispersal to Eurasia, Australia, and the Americas. Climate change appears to have played a prominent role in the formation of various civilizations, the occupation or abandonment of different regions over time, and the collapse of major civilizations and indigenous societies. This brief focuses on the recent work of sociocultural anthropologists on anthropogenic climate change, a phenomenon that began with the Industrial Revolution and is characterized by heavy reliance on fossil fuels and emphasis on persistently enduring economic growth. Particularly after World War II, the global economy began to promote and rely on relentless consumption of manufactured products. This economic model has diffused from the first industrialized countries to the developing world through trade, foreign investment, aid and development programs, and its sustainability implications are not confined to anthropogenic climate change.
Keywords: Sustenability, climate change, societies, anthropology, permaculture
Andreea TOMA
Student, Universitatea de Arhitectură şi Urbanism “Ion Mincu”,
Master Mobilitate Urbană, e-mail:

Community organization, initiative groups citizens and urban communities in Bucharest - Lucian Zăgan
The notion of community in relation to urban populations raises difficulties.
But a number of contemporary themes involve it directly. By looking at the idea of community organization and its implementation in the emergence of citizens’ initiative groups in Bucharest, we will get a practical understanding of the notion of community, one directly related to the ideas of participation and collective action.
Keywords: grassroots action, participatory processes, community organization,
collective action, urban communities, neighbourhood identity.
Lucian Zăgan
UAUIM/ Master Mobilitate Urbană

Rural - Urban Disparities in Japan - Clapa Maria Costelia
Probably one of the biggest problems that country’s around the globe have confronted is the issue with the divde or the difference between the rural and urban areas. This phenomenon has started to take amplitude at the start of the Industrial
Revolution, when people migrated from the rural areas to industrial centers, because of the available labour that gave workers’ wages, food and a home near factories. Even through the population migrated to these industrial cities in the rural ares weren’t as affected as much.
After the downfall of the Industrial Revolution the rural area gained some of its Population back (they where ”retunres”1 or people who wanted to move to nonpolluted and environmental friendly place) but starting at the middle of the 1900s the population slowly shifted towards the great urban areas because opportunities where vast.
In present because urban areas started to have polarizing effects, the rural areas are starting to decrease in its population (mostly the younger population, leaving only the old one in the areas) and its effects are begin felt all over the world, but in Japan it became a crisis for the nation as its birth rate drops fast, leaving behind ”ghost cities” 2 and population that’s begin marginalized, and it impacts the development of the areas by low access to public health, education and infrastructure. All of this led to problems that can affect the economy, government administration and growth of a country.
This paper has as its main objective the identification of the issue between the divide in rural-urban areas and its repercussions in Japan.
Keywords: rural, urban, area, migration, population, divide
Clapa Maria Costelia
Universitatea de Arhitectură și Urbanism „Ion Mincu”,
Facultatea de Urbanism,
Master Mobilitate Urbană, An II, Semestrul 1

Azilul de bătrâni în România de azi, sau drumul de la abandonare la resemnare/ Granny Dumping in Nowadays Romania or From Abandonment to Resignation Phd. Senior Lecturer Sultana Avram
two decades. In Romania old people were traditionally taken care of by relatives, especially sons and daughters, who inherited the parents’ house. Grandparents used to look after their grandchildren while parents had to go to work. Things have changed a lot after 1989. Many parents go to work abroad and they leave their children with the grandparents. The problem appears when the elderly get ill. Some of them are taken care of at home by relatives, some are abandoned in emergency hospitals, and others are sent to specialized state homes for old people. Nowadays it is very expensive to place your relatives in such private homes, as “state” elderly homes have almost disappeared. Even so, most old people do not resist long in such homes and die shortly after they are taken there. The pain of being far from their families, – missing Christmases and birthdays of the loved ones,- the feeling of needlessness, the sadness given by the behavior of their own “flesh and blood” make them give up life. They are just like abandoned pets that nobody wants to adopt. In other countries ill persons, old or not, prefer to commit assisted suicide, as they don’t want to suffer, or to be a burden for their family.
Do you have someone to take care of you at old age?
Keywords: granny, to abandon, resignation, illness, family.
Phd. Senior Lecturer Sultana Avram
“Lucian Blaga”University of Sibiu
Master Mobilitate Urbană, An II, Semestrul 1

The Ecological Model of Violence Assessment in pupils - impact pressure factors in the behavioral sphere - Ileana Maria Mireștean, Sorina Irimie, Ioana Beldean Galea, Anda Ioana Curta, Petru Sandu, Cosmina Samoilă.
The environmental model is a concept that seeks to understand interpersonal violence and the adjacent risk factors as a public health issue. The WHO – 2010 Social Determinants of Health Report points out that an unequal distribution of power, income, goods and services leads to inequities in the population’s health, which have a negative impact on the behavioural sphere.
The study aimed to assess the prevalence of violence among students and associated risk factors. The survey focused on a nationally representative sample of pupils (between the ages of 13 and 15), using the questionnaire method (N = 4612).
The results revealed a significant increase in the prevalence of aggressive subjects in relation to the presence of physical aggression among parents, a tense family climate, the use of physical punishment, the low economic status of the family, poor school performance and/or expectations and undeclared employment at the expense of attending school. According to the results of the study, the presence of acts of physical aggression among parents ranks first in the hierarchy of pressure factors in the behavioural sphere, followed by poor school results and expectations, with undeclared employment coming in third. In the context of the current magnitude of violence and the diversity of risk factors, prophylactic activity requires constant “reinvention” in relation to current realities. Although the role of promoting behavioural models predominantly belongs to schools, prevention also needs to target the family, a primordial instance in the child’s process of socialization. It also requires real community involvement through good neighbourly practices, such as material, social and emotional support for families with socio-economic difficulties, accompanied and supported by appropriate community regulations.
Keywords: public health, violence, concept, pupils, behaviour, risk
Ileana Maria Mireștean, Sorina Irimie, Ioana Beldean Galea,
Anda Ioana Curta, Petru Sandu, Cosmina Samoilă.
Institutul Național de Sănătate Publică –
Centrul Regional de Sănătate Publică Cluj

The influence of virtual space on diversifying forms of protest - Mușat Andrei
In urban areas are established economic relations and political decisions, conflicts are triggered spontaneous or organized by citizens when their political interests, economic or social are violated. The ‚60s were the decade of emancipation of the media, also the era of emancipation and the role of youth in society. The development of the media allowed people to perceive the news everywhere, about the realities of the world. With the influence of the Internet in the following years, it has become a space especially for young people, where they can promote various methods of protest or new places for meetings and gatherings. Now the question is whether there are grounds to consider the possibility of big rallies and protests such as the riots in France in 1968 or the Revolution in Bucharest in 1989, or whether it can declare for the first time that the youth is happy with its current status .
Keywords: social, revolt, media, virtual, politics, protest
Muşat Andrei
Universitatea de Arhitectură şi Urbanism “Ion Mincu”

Perception of public space in SHARED SPACE areas - Reona Vulpe
The city is a human community, every individual uses the public space for movement, supply, socializing or leisure. Public space is an essential component of the city and contributes to the assessment of a quality of life and wellbeing. The organization of urban space influences the preferences, decisions, cultural and social options, how the people interact and the sense of security. The objective of this paper is to present the positive and negative aspects of the Shared Spaces and how this kind of spaces influence the social sustainability of a community.
Keywords: shared space, mobility, social interactions, development, safety.
Masterand, Universitatea de Arhitectură și Urbanism „Ion Mincu”,
Facultatea de Urbanism, Master Mobilitate Urbană,

Humanity seen at the dawn of the Artificial Revolution - Rareș - Laurențiu Oprea
In the technological era, the evolve of artificial intelligence can no be overseen. This paper recalls the advancements in the field of A.I. and presents the options through wich humankind can evolve to a higher state. Based on this factors, a new model of interaction with the public space will be described as it will be seen through the eye of the new humankind into a new reality.
Keywords: artificial intelligence, homo roboticus, transhumanism, cyberspace, public space
Rareș-Laurențiu OPREA
Urbanist, MMU, Facultatea de Urbanism, U.A.U.I.M.

Human evolution on the background of Natural Resources addiction - Iulia STANCIU
The human evolution can not be seen as existing only by itself, the phenomenon is in fact a sum of conditions that have coexisted and have cooperated to make possible the evolution. In the human race transformation process, the natural resources were decisive in achieving the human goals and were also the background for the human evolution; which is why this paper is analyzing the relation between people and natural resources, studying the impact of human evolution on natural resources and vice versa.
Keywords: human being, development, resources, sustainability, revolution, renewable, addiction.
Masterand, Facultatea de Urbanism și Arhitectură “Ion Mincu”

The Urban Anthropology Journal No.9 (2017)

Revista de Antropologie Urbană Nr.7
The Urban Anthropology Journal - Nr.9 (2017) - CONTENTS
EDITORIAL – Emerging forms of Indigeneity – Autori: Ioana Radu, Ioana Comat


  • Unrecognized Tradition: American Indian Political Economy and Narrow Conceptions of Indigenous Authenticity – Raymond Orr and Yancey Orr


  • Te Haerenga – Journeying towards an Urban Maori identity. Journal of Urban Anthropology – Tanya Allport, Amohia Boulton, Haze White


  • Engaging in Respatialization through Alliance Building: The ”Oshkabaywis” Framework – Lana Ray (Waaskone Giizhigook)
  • The White Roots of Peace: an Articulation Of the Haudenosaunee Odyssey for International Representation – Kahawihson Horne
  • La video autochtone : outil de reappropriation d`une autochtonie plurielle – Stephane Guimont Marceau
  • The Struggle for Fishing Rights among the Ilaje/Apoi and Ijaw of Southwest Coastline, Ondo State, Nigeria – T. Kehinde Adekunle and Olubusola Tunde

Editorial: Emerging forms of Indigeneity - Authors: Ioana Radu, Ioana Comat (English)

In 2007, Canada, New Zealand and Australia had refused to ratify the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). While they eventually fell in line with the rest of the world, this initial refusal clearly underlined the embryonic character of decolonization in settler states. While Indigeneity is a contested concept, it plays an increasingly important role in struggles to protect ancestral lands and achieve social justice at home, a process of ”restoring to wholeness a community fragmented by colonization” (Armstrong, 2009). Much of this work takes place away/beside prescriptive state-driven processes; sometimes against, sometimes with fellow settler citizens; often in situ, on ancestral territories, but also in towns and cities across the world. However these struggles and alliances evolve, they continue to reframe and recreate rich forms of Indigeneity.

This special issue of the Journal of Urban Anthropology explores these ”gray zones” of identity formation and alliance work. We are hoping it will provide a better understanding of these processes by answering the following questions: How are these new forms of Indigeneity conceptualized and deployed by Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples? What types of alliance work can make possible decolonization? And what would an Indigenous future look like?

In taking our cue both from personal experience and the texts contained in this special edition, we dedicate a few opening remarks to our own positionality as editors and first-generation settler academics in Canada.  The contextualization of self, to borrow from Sefa Dei (2011), is essential not only to analysis but it is an integral part of our responsibilities, as settlers,  to decolonization and to the academic labour of centering Indigenous knowledge systems. Indeed, as Dei contends: ”if we want to drastically change the colonial foundations of our academies, then we should rename and reimagine the academy altogether.

And, we must do so in a way that connects them through a multidisciplinary approach that resonates with Indigenous ways of knowing” (p. 22). As Anishinaabe scholar Lana Rey underlines in her article, ”the preoccupation with defining Indigeneity has been imperative to a settler colonialist agenda”, thus we will refrain from providing such definition, yet, as part of our responsibilities, we need to make visible our own engagement with it. By occupying both an intellectual space and a physical place that make up the academy, we intentionally and practically engage with Indigenous knowledge systems and aim to decenter Eurocentriciy. For us engaging in decolonization means renegotiating knowledge production and developing a decolonial project that makes possible an epistemic shift that delinks our thinking and doing from the illusion of modernity and its universality and opens possibilities for ”pluri- versal” epistemologies (Mignolo, 2011, p. 63).

Although we share the same first name, we come from radically different worlds. Ioana Radu was born in communist Romania and lived through the fall of the Iron Curtain. She moved to Tiohtia :ke (Montreal) as a teenager   in 1993, where she had to learn French and English. Othered immediately by her accent has been a struggle in Tiohtia :ke but privileged her own relationship building with the Iiyiyiwich (Cree) of Eeyou Istchee (James Bay, northern Quebec), setting her apart and away from settler Canadians. This privilege has enabled  her to focus on border thinking (as conceptualized  by Walter Mignolo) where her own lived experience as an Other shapes  her understanding and engagement with settler colonialism. She is a multidisciplinary scholar and educator with long-term interests in decolonial theory, oral history, and knowledge mobilization.

Born and raised in Euskal Herria (Basque country), on the Franco- Spanish border, Ioana Comat moved to Tiohtia :ke (Montreal) during her early adulthood, twelve years ago. As a borderland kid, she has long been interested in the effect of several cultures and languages coexistence on the identity and spatial practices of people. Her journey of migration gave her the opportunity to work, for the past ten years, with urban Aboriginal organizations in several cities in the province of Quebec, including Montreal, Val-d`Or and Chibougamau. Ioana`s PhD  in  Cultural  Geography (2014)  was designed in partnership with the Native Friendship Center Alliance  of Quebec (Regroupement des Centres d`amitie autochtone du Quebec). Since then, as a postdoctoral fellow at the DIALOG Network, she works on several participatory action research projects, such as a study collaboratively designed to document Aboriginal homelessness in Quebec (2014-2017).  In parallel, as Euskalduna (Basque person), she is involved in the Basque community in Montreal and worked on an oral history project – Memoria Bizia (”lived memory”) – that documented the experience of the Basque diaspora in Canada. The purpose of this trans-American project is to build an archive of the memories of the local Diaspora Centers, the members` relationship to the Basque culture, and the economic, geopolitical or personal motives that led people to leave Euskal Herria.

As first-generation settlers and minorities within the white-settler context, wetake seriously and are continuously aware that settler-indigenous solidarities ”may be elusive, even undesirable” (Tuck & Yang, 2012, p.28). We unsettle the settler within, to borrow from Regan (2010), in our own way, accepting the limits of our knowledge and action, and laboring together with our Indigenous partners; an embodied and enacted labour that is ”accountable to Indigenous sovereignty and futurity” (Tuck & Yang, 2012, p. 35).

Issue overview

This special issue focuses on identity formation as both a lived experience and as multiple collective efforts to reterritorialize indigenous land and knowledges that decenter colonial prescriptive standards that are often entrenched in policy and social science theory. The contributions of Anishinaabe  researcher Lana Rey,  as well  as Allport, Boulton and White,  all three Auckland-based Maori, demonstrate the extent to which the city, considered as a privileged site of assimilation from the point of view of nation-building narratives supporting the colonization process, is rather a space for cultural revitalization and continuity of contemporary Indigenous practices. Because the non-indigenous gaze of the urban experience confronts Indigenous peoples more than ever with dystopian representations about them, this spatial experience represents a strategic opportunity to reappropriate discourses of identity construction and constitutes an act of emancipation of the definitions of contemporary Indigeneity. Moving out of the invisibility in which indigenous people living in cities have been confined by Euro-descendant societies, from North America to Oceania, is thus a lever for self-affirmation of Indigenous communities by challenging the negative perception that entrap them in a backward vision of their cultural heritage.

Concurrently, for Stephane Guimont Marceau, Indigenous videoproduction creates a similar space in which young Indigenous peoples that participate in the Wapikoni mobile (a mobile video production studio) challenge prescriptive understanding of citizenship. Not only the production of this films opens doors to plural representations of Indigeneity, but though physical transnational encounters, young Indigenous people transform Indigenous-non-Indigenous relationships in the public sphere. For their part, Raymond Orr and Yancey Orr, show how the Mashantucket Pequot Tribal Nation (USA) has used the very same prescriptive norms of defining Indigenous status to build an economic base that rivals settler social status. In doing so, they draw attention to the double standard used in validating claims for recognition, which, while it insists on ”expectations of traditionality”, negates its contemporary existence, especially when the Mashantucket`s political economy included both cultural resurgence and accumulation of wealth, and thus challenged established conceptions of American Indian tribes.

In their examination of fishing rights and territorial jurisdiction as understood by Ilaje/Apoi and Ijaw communities in Ondo State of Nigeria, Kehinde Adekunle and Olubusola Tunde show how these customary land tenure and rights of access are in line with both court decisions elsewhere and with international principles. Because Indigeneity is a contested and complex issue on the African continent, Indigenous communities continue to be marginalized by state jurisprudence. Nevertheless, their case makes visible the ways in which these communities subvert statutory provisions and participate in collective struggles for self-determination. In North America, the diplomatic culture and mythos of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy, provide the fundamental keystones of peace, power and righteousness to understand nationhood and self-determination. Kahawihson Horne recounts the epic of Deganawidah, (the Peacemaker) and presents the symbolic construct of the White Roots of Peace, to decenter the colonial edifice of Canadian national sovereignty. She rightly concludes that “the development and eventual destiny of international politics has been, and will likely continue to be, inextricably bound to that of indigenous peoples.”
The theme of health is a powerful means of thinking about decolonization, a theme that is all the more crucial in the case of a peoples whose presence has long been foreshadowed. As a matter of fact, health concerns are not defined according to a conventional conception limited to the physical and psychological dimensions of the body, although this is still present, but rather by a cultural approach to wellbeing. Reclaiming the means to intervene on the wellbeing of communities and individuals is literally a statement of identity, echoing a massive shift in cultural consciousness characteristic of the dawn of the twenty-first century.
The  elements  to  this  wellbeing  may  be  the  implementation  of  an Aboriginal healing approach to reconciliation, as Lana Ray`s work demonstrates. Based on a sensitive narrative approach of her own experience as an Indigenous woman who has moved to the city and to the academy, the author demonstrates that questions of authenticity are intimately linked to spatial practices of individuals, so that meeting, if it is intended to be reconciliation, requires a symbolic re-spatialization of the peoples in which diplomacy constitutes a means of asserting indigenous ways of doing and thinking. By contrasting the geographical redeployment of an Indigenous diasporic consciousness with  the  spatial  dispossession  and  the  specter of disappearance inherited from the past, Ray proposes an Anishinaabe framework based on the values of awareness, respect and humility, in order to articulate a dialogue between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples focused on the future and the wellbeing of peoples. The contribution of Allport, Boulton and White demonstrates how a Maori institution, the Te Whanau O Waipareira Trust, dedicated to the wellbeing of urban Maori contributed to the construction of an urban identity, which reflects the syncretism of tribal and contemporary lifestyles. The contribution of an institution such as Waipareira thus demonstrates the substitutability of the Eurocentric narrative of the Maori trajectory with a Maori-centric version of the urban experience testifying to their self-realization.
Indeed, Indigenous thought, such as the tenets of the Kaianerehko:wa (Great Law of Peace), not only provides a basis for statecraft but ultimately informs human responsibilities to each other and to other-than-human beings, including spiritual and cultural relationships. As Horn demonstrates, Kaianerehko:wa provides a culturally centered path to achieving wellbeing by building hope, belonging, meaning and purpose (NNAPF, 2015) though relationality. In the case of Wapikoni mobile, this relationality is built both  in the community and in the public sphere, as young people reappropriate culturally specific and place-centered tenets and, through the lens and their travels, transmit their own understandings to a larger audience. As Stéphane Guimont Marceau argues, this process of knowledge mobilization operates at different levels shaping young peoples’ sense of belonging to their own communities and unsettling non-Indigenous peoples understanding of relationality.
Nonetheless, the everyday material conditions must facilitate the flourishing of Indigenous life as much as the deployment of Indigenous knowledge systems. Knowing that customary land tenure is protected by the United Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples does not put food on the table. For the Ilaje/Apoi and Ijaw communities, having unfretted access to fish in their ancestral territory is of outmost importance, which often comes at the expense of their personal security and that of their families. Change must be substantive if decolonization is to be actualized, including repatriation of Indigenous lands and injudicious access to wealth creation. As the case of the Mashantucket Pequot Tribal Nation clearly shows, settler societies can still not accept, and often labour against, Indigenous peoples’ living a good life.
Much scholarship has been concerned with what Mignolo (2011) terms the colonial wound. Despite this, the legacy of colonization and contemporary coloniality are still operating in everyday life. In Canada alone, Indigenous peoples are still being murdered or disappear, communities have lived under boil water advisory for decades, and lands continue to be destroyed by resource extraction while Indigenous peoples are pushed to the margins. This reality persists, in part, because settler academics contend to perpetuate epistemic violence, preferring to police the contours of Indigeneity in order to claim their space and place in the academy, instead of putting their bodies and minds on the line.
As emerging scholars, we nevertheless see hope everywhere. Hope,  as conceptualized by Freire (1994), is an active  force  imperative  to what he terms conscientization. Hope that moves Idle No More, that propels a resolute resistance at Standing Rock, and inspires generations to continue Berta Caceres’ vision for a just future. We understand it as a responsibilisation of the settler, and settler academics specifically. Our obligation as scholars must be first and foremost to our Indigenous partners. We  must labour to “understand human existence, and the struggle needed to improve” (p.8) and “situate ethics within intellectual and scientific work” (Dei, 2011, p.32). In centring Indigenous thought, we must engage in an allyship that  is relational and includes specific responsibilities. It also means that we, as settler academics, must Țsubvert the ethnocentrism of Western science” (ibid.) by shifting the geography of reason in favor of regeneration of life (Mignolo, 2009)


  • Armstrong, Jeanette. 2009. En’owkin: what it means to a sustainable community. Online: means-sustainable-community
  • Dei, George J. Sefa. 2011. Indigenous Philosophies and Critical Education: A READER. Counterpoints, 379: 21-33.
  •  Freire, Paulo (1994). Pedagogy of Hope: Reliving Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Continuum Publishing Company.
  • Health  Canada. 2015.  First  Nations  Mental  Wellness  Continuum Framework.
  • Mignolo, Walter. 2011. Epistemic Disobedience and the Decolonial Option: A Manifesto. Transmodernity: Journal of Peripheral Cultural Production of the Luso-Hispanic World, 1(2): 44-66.
  • Mignolo, Walter. 2009. Epistemic Disobedience, Independent Thought and De-Colonial Freedom. Theory, Culture  & Society,  26(7-8): 1-23. Online: epistemicdisobedience-2.pdf
  • Regan, Paulette. 2011. Unsettling the Settler Within: Indian residential schools, truth telling, and reconciliation in Canada. Vancouver: UBC Press.
  • Tuck, Eve and K. Wayne Yang. 2012. Decolonization is not a metaphor. Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society, 1(1): 1-40.

Unrecognized Tradition: American Indian Political Economy and Narrow Conceptions of Indigenous Authenticity Raymond Orr, PhD and Yancey Orr, PhD
Indigenous polities’ claims for recognition by settler societies face scrutiny from multiple sources. A common criticism of these Indigenous polities is that they are not racially, socially or economically distinct enough from the settler population or that they fail to maintain pre-contact characteristics to be considered “authentic” Indigenous peoples. The settler impulse to limit the possibilities for Indigenous peoples through defining Indigenous status restrictively, is referred to as  the “logic of erasure.” This paper looks at the Mashantucket Pequot Tribal Nation in Connecticut as an example of an Indigenous population that challenged settler conceptions of American Indians. Considered politically “dissolved” in the 19th century, the Mashantucket began the process of achieving official recognition as a tribe in the 1970s and, by the 1990s, developed a lucrative casino operation. Along with Mashantucket resurgence came criticisms of their authenticity. This paper explores the inconsistency in expectations of traditionality using the Mashantucket case. We argue that in addition to the restrictive definition of Indigenous status, critics of Indigenous resurgence fail to see the traditional characteristics of these politics-in this case, the Mashantucket’s political economy. This is part of a larger inconsistency in settler societies that expects traditionality among Indigenous peoples, yet misses certain forms of it.
Key words: Indigenous Status, Recognition, Ethnic Mobilization, Identity, Moral Economy, Economic Anthropology
Raymond Orr, PhD
Associate Professor, Native American Studies,
University of Oklahoma
Yancey Orr, PhD
Fellow, Council on Southeast Asia Studies

Te Haerenga – Journeying towards an Urban Māori identity - Authors: Tanya Allport, Amohia Boulton, Haze White
For New Zealand Māori, the legacy of journeying into new territories occupies an important place within Māori history.  In the contemporary context, the idea    of journeying has taken on new meanings, as Māori have journeyed through an enforced and rapid displacement from their traditional rural homelands. This article discusses the impact of urbanisation on families’ sense of identity over time, which is put within the context of their interaction with Te Whānau O Waipareira Trust (Waipareira), a multi-sector health, justice, education and social service provider, which has focused on building indigenous support structures for Māori and by Māori.
The thirty-year development of Waipareira has evolved alongside West Auckland Māori families’ searching for identity and belonging in an urban world; one which does not provide the traditional lines of ancestral kinship, nor the cultural roles and support mechanisms inherent in a tribal identity. The research concludes that the process of forming a West Auckland Māori identity reveals innovation, strategy and a new type of leadership strongly linked to a specific political context. This urban identity provides possibilities to subvert Western cultural dominance, re-framing externally prescribed, less sophisticated notions of identity that fail to account for the nuances of what it means to be Māori in a contemporary context.
Key Words: Urban Māori, identity, urbanisation, West Auckland, migration
Tanya Allport (1), Amohia Boulton(2), Haze White(1)
(1) Wai Research, Auckland, New Zealand
(2) Whakauae Research Services, Whanganui, New Zealand

Engaging in Respatialization through Alliance Building: The “Oshkabaywis” Framework - Author: Lana Ray (Waaskone Giizhigook), PhD
Indigeneity can promote an ethics of responsibility among Indigenous peoples, contributing to the livelihood of communities, nations and the land (Tsosie, 2010). However, if attached to a politic of recognition it can be both divisive and disruptive, working to segregate and objectify Indigenous peoples (Simpson & Smith, 2014). Spatiality as a marker of Indigeneity attempts to separate bodies from place, distancing Indigenous peoples from “culturally significant ways of relating to the land and community” (Goeman, 2009, p. 171). This claim is unsettled by Bauerkemper and Stark (2014) who contend that Indigenous nations are inherently transnational. In this article, the author, an Anishinaabe, Status-Indian woman, recounts her own diasporic occupation; focusing on how she could build alliances and participate in exchanges with non-Indigenous peoples and their ways of knowing and being. To do so, she developed a framework for engagement based off her time spent as an “oshkabaywis,” otherwise known as “helper” to an Anishinaabe knowledge holder. Through this framework, the author believes she was able to enact traditional diplomatic relationships and through this process engage in what Renya Ramirez refers to as a “respatialization,” maintaining a sense of tribal identity and connection to community (Ross, 2009, p. 48).
Keywords: Indigeneity, alliance building, Indigenous diplomacy, Indigenous diaspora, settler colonialism
Lana Ray (Waaskone Giizhigook), PhD
Assistant Professor, Lakehead University, Thunder Bay ON (Canada)

The White Roots of Peace: an Articulation Of the Haudenosaunee Odyssey for International Representation - Autor: Kahawihson Horne, MA
This article presents recounts the orally transmitted epic of Deganawidah,   the Peacemaker, who united the Iroquois Confederacy under the Great Law of Peace a collection of rituals, policies, and customs that make up the tenets of Kaianerehko:wa (or Iroquois Constitution). The Great Law of Peace continue to inform Haudenosaunee international diplomacy which is strongly rooted within the prospect of a continuously expanding transnational alliance sanctioned within the overarching framework in which peace, power and righteousness serve as the fundamental keystones.
Keywords: Haudenosaunee, Deganawidah, Iroquois Confederacy, international diplomacy, nationhood
Kahawihson Horne, MA
First Peoples Studies Program, Concordia University

The Struggle for Fishing Rights among the Ilaje/ Apoi and Ijaw of Southwest Coastline, Ondo State, Nigeria -Autori: T. Kehinde Adekunle, PhD și Olubusola Tunde, MA Shemudara
This article presents recounts the orally transmitted epic of Deganawidah,   the Peacemaker, who united the Iroquois Confederacy under the Great Law of Peace a collection of rituals, policies, and customs that make up the tenets of Kaianerehko:wa (or Iroquois Constitution). The Great Law of Peace continue to inform Haudenosaunee international diplomacy which is strongly rooted within the prospect of a continuously expanding transnational alliance sanctioned within the overarching framework in which peace, power and righteousness serve as the fundamental keystones.
Keywords: Haudenosaunee, Deganawidah, Iroquois Confederacy, international diplomacy, nationhood
T. Kehinde Adekunle, PhD
Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan,
Ibadan, Nigeria.
Olubusola Tunde, MA Shemudara, Institute of African Studies,
University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria.

The Urban Anthropology Journal No.8 (2017)

Revista de Antropologie Urbană Nr.7
The Urban Anthropology Journal - Nr.8 (2017) - CONTENTS

  • Ce e un oraș? De la cel mai mare, la cel mai mic oraș din lume
  • What is a city? From the largest city in the world to the smallest
  • Qu’est-ce qu’une ville? De la plus grande ville du monde à la plus petite
  • Was ist eine Stadt? Von der größten bis zur kleinsten Stadt der Welt


  • The intricate world of hospitals: Macro level – Alexandru POPP
  • The myth of the “encounter”: power dynamics and inequities in the stories told by the Innu of Nutashkuan – Aude MALTAIS-LANDRY
  • Geography features of kandovan village and its impact on the lifestyle of its inhabitants – Bahareh BATHAEI
  • Aboriginal and Diasporic: an Impossible Predisposition? – Ioana COMAT 
  • When the Discourses of Urban Aboriginal Organisations Enlighten Theoretical Debates
  • Zoroastrian houses of Yazd, Iran – Hakim Nia MOSTAFA, Kaveh NAZANIN
  • The role of theater in defining social identities. A study on the “Sucre, venin et fleurs d’oranger” theater play in the context of the Moroccan community of Molenbeek-Saint-Jean – Horia-Ioan IOVA
  • The question of citizenship in a globalized world: Indigenous peoples and the Canadian State – Ioana RADU
  • Niche tourism and the construction of alternative cultural spaces in socialist Romania – Ruxandra I. PETRINCĂ


  • Problema raselor umane în viziunea lui Francisc Iosif Rainer – Adrian MAJURU


  • Peisajul postindustrial bucureștean Andra Filofteia ZAMFIR
  • Spaţiul public urban în viaţa oamenilor – Oana VOICU


  • Procedeele de înfrumuseţare (Chirurgia estetică, ondulaţia permanentă, culoarea părului şi manicura) în faţa medicinei legale – Nicolae MINOVICI

Editorial: Ce e un oraș? De la cel mai mare, la cel mai mic oraș din lume - Autor: Dr. Cătălin D. Constantin (Română)

Când și cum au apărut orașele? Multă vreme, cea mai largă circulație a avut teoria difuzionistă. Potrivit acestei teorii, orașele ar fi apărut prima dată în Mesopotamia în mileniul al IV-lea a. Chr. De aici s-ar fi răspândit către Valea Indusului și către China și, spre vest, către Grecia. Polis-ul grecesc e strămoșul orașelor din Europa întreagă, un fir roșu legând așezările urbane ale Antichității grecești de cele ale lumii de astăzi. Nu e singura teorie legată de nașterea și evoluția lumilor urbane, dar, iată, am urcat deja pe firul istoric al apariției orașelor, uitând o altă întrebare, la fel de importantă. Ce face un oraș să fie oraș? Sau, mai simplu: ce e un oraș? Răspunsul pare să țină de domeniul evidenței și toate tratatele de antropologie urbană își dezvoltă analiza începând cu istoria orașului sau cu orice altceva, socotind implicit răspunsul la această întrebare. Dar lucrurile nu stau deloc așa.

                Nu e clar nici astăzi ce înțelegem prin oraș,  prin urmare, cu atât mai puțin clar ce am putea înțelege prin oraș când vine vorba de civilizații foarte vechi. Oraș înseamnă lucruri diferite nu doar de la o epocă la alta, ci de la o cultură la alta, și, chiar în spații geografic vecine orașul capătă definiții substanțial diferite. În România, de exemplu, pentru a porni de acasă, principalul criteriu ca o localitate să poată cere statutul oraș e, prin lege, dimensiunea populației. O așezare poate deveni oraș dacă trece de

5 000 de locuitori, iar 75 % din dintre aceștia nu mai au ca ocupație de bază agricultura. După aceste două criterii obligatorii, urmează altele ce țin cont de calitatea vieții, dar, potrivit legii din 2011, ele par mai curând secundare și chiar facultative. În Ungaria, țară vecină, din a cărei limbă româna a preluat chiar cuvântul prin care denumește orașul, criteriile sunt însă de cu totul altă natură. O localitate e declarată oraș dacă are liceu și rețea de canalizare completă, indiferent de mărimea populației și de ocupațiile pe care le au locuitorii, astfel că așezări de numai 2 000 de oameni și chiar mai puțin figurează lejer pe lista orașelor. România e 55% urbană, potrivit cifrelor estimative din 2015, Ungaria e, în acleași an, 71% urbană. Cifrele sunt clare, dar sunt doar cifre, pentru că în spatele lor se ascund înțelesuri foarte diferite ale orașului. Antropologia poate elucida motivele acestor diferențe de perspectivă.

Probleme, veți spune, pun, din acest punct de vedere, doar așezările cu populație nu foarte mare. Așa e. Doar că 40 000 de locuitori e, oriunde în Europa, populație de oraș, în timp ce, în India, ajunge doar pentru un sat și mai încape peste. Ce e, până la urmă, un oraș mare și ce e un oraș mic? Bucureștiul e, neîndoielnic o metropolă. Statutul rămâne valabil prin comparație cu oricare alt oraș european, nu întâmplător Bucureștiul, pe harta cifrelor, e a șasea capitală din UE, imediat după Paris și imediat înaintea Vienei. Dar nu mi se șterge din memorie perplexitatea de moment pe care am trăit-o când, la o întrebare convențională („Cum vi se pare Bucureștiul?”) pe care i-am adresat-o unui turist din Turcia, tocmai prezentat de un prieten comun și care provenea dintr-o veche familie de negustori armeni stabiliți la Istanbul prin veacul al XVI-lea, am primit, fără ezitare și nu atât de convențional, următorul răspuns: „E frumos, dar e foarte mic, mă aștepam să fie măcar ceva mai mare!” Doar în 2015, după estimări, populația Istanbulului a crescut cu peste două milioane de locuitori, adică un București întreg, iar cifra totală a populației orașului de la granița dintre cele două continente depășește numărul de locuitori ai României. Și, să nu uităm, geografic, Stambulul e mai aproape decât Parisul și decât Viena, capitalele europene care încadrează, ca mărime, Bucureștiul. Nici cultural nu ar trebui să fie prea departe Istanbulul, dată fiind istoria atât de lungă de stăpânire otomană în Balcani. Mai e Bucureștiul mare?

Orașul orașelor e, ca populație, Tokio care, în zona urbană,  adună peste 37 de milioane de locuitori. Dacă nu luăm în calcul zona urbană, Tokio coboară brusc tocmai pe locul 14, imediat după Istanbul, iar pe primul loc urcă Shanghai, cu aproape 25 de milioane de locuitori. Pentru Europa, acestea sunt cifre imposibile, pe moment. La polul opus, o singură așezare din lume, europeană, își revendică, necontestată de nimeni, statutul de cel mai mic oraș al planetei. Se numește Hum, e în Croația, în peninsula Istria, spre granița cu Italia, într-o zonă de suprapuneri culturale foarte interesante pentru un antropolog. Deține statutul de oraș încă din Evul Mediu. De atunci și până astăzi, dimensiunile și trama lui stradală au rămas nemodificate. Are o istorie interesantă, e atestat încă din secolul al XII-lea, se află în centrul unei zone  de tradiție în recoltarea trufelor, păstrează inscripții glagolitice și n-a avut niciodată prea mulți locuitori. Astăzi numără fix 21. Plus o piață și trei străzi atât de scurte că, în cinci minute, le-ai parcurs la pas de de trei ori. Dar e, cât se poate de oficial oraș, cel mai mic oraș din lume. Iar pentru acest statut stau clar în picioare o serie de argumente: e pe culme de colină, așa cum sunt toate orașele din Istria, în timp ce satele sunt mereu pe vale. Are, în mica lui piață, toate instituțiile necesare unui oraș: școală, biserică, judecătorie, primărie, un fost sediu al breslelor. Cu doar trei străzi, are, de la început, un plan stradal planificat, nu întâmplator. L-am vizitat de curând și confirm: Hum, în Croația, cu 21 de locuitori, e frumos și e oraș.

                2008 a fost socotit de UNESCO anul în care, pentru prima dată în întreaga istorie a omenirii, populația urbană a egalat-o pe cea rurală. Desigur, nu s-a ținut cont de definițiile, atât de neuniforme, care separă atât de diferit urbanul de rural în lumea largă. Între 21 de locuitori și câteva zeci de milioane, orice așezare poate fi oraș. Doar că acest „orice” diferă de la un spațiul cultural și geografic la altul. Iar aici, despre diferențe fiind vorba, analiza antropologică are multe de spus.

                Oricum, întorcându-mă la culturile vechi, arheologii nu ezită să socotească orașe o serie de așezări mult anterioare celor din Mesopotamia, situate tot în Asia și datând, toate, din perioada neoliticului – Jericho, Çatal Hüyük, Kirokitia sunt câteva exemple. Criteriile sunt, de fiecare dată, diferite și, de fiecare dată, conving, în diferite feluri. Dintr-o perioadă apropiată datează marele sit neolitic din Transilvania, de lângă Cristian, ieșit la iveală în 2012, așezare a unor populații sosite, spun istoricii, dinspre Anatolia. Arheologii nu au ezitat a-l cataloga oraș, ținând seama de dimensiuni și de faptul că aici au fost dezgropate cea mai veche mască din lume și un vas de lut pictat cu ceea ce analizele de laborator au dovedit a fi cea mai veche vopsea din istoria omenirii.

                Articolele din acest număr al Revistei de antropologie urbană fac un periplu între culturi urbane diferite, vechi și din contemporaneitate, din Quebec – prin articolele scrise de Ioana Comat, Aude Maltais, Ioana Radu și Alexandru Popp -, până în Iran – prin articolele semnate de Bahareh Bathaei și Hakim nia Mostafa -, de la Bruxelles, unde Horia Ioan Iova analizează foarte frumos rolul teatrului în definirea identității sociale a comunității marocane, până la Vama Veche, unde  Ruxandra  Petrinca  urmărește  recoagularea  de vacanță,  disidentă, a elitei intelectuale bucureștene de dinainte de căderea Cortinei de Fier.

Dr. Cătălin D. Constantin

Editorial: What is a city? From the largest city in the world to the smallest- Author: Dr. Cătălin D. Constantin (English)

When and how did cities appear? For a long while the most widely spread theory was that of diffusion. According to this theory, cities first appeared in Mesopotamia, around the 4th century B.C. From there they spread towards the Indus Valley and China, and towards the west, towards Greece. The Greek polis is the ancestor of European cities, a red thread connecting Ancient Greece’s urban settlements to those of today. It is not the sole theory linked to the birth and evolution of urban worlds, but, alas, we’ve already headed for the roots of cities, forgetting another question, just as important. What makes a city a city? Or, more simply put, what is a city? The answer seems to be linked to the field of evidence and all urban anthropology treaties develop their analyses starting with the history of the city, or anything else, deeming the answer to the former question implicit. Yet things are not quite so.

                What we understand by city is still unclear, and so our concept of city when referring to ancient civilisations is even less clear. The city means different things, not only from one age to another but also from one culture to another, and even in neighbouring geographical areas the definition of city could differ substantially. In Romania for instance, the main criteria for a village or locality to obtain city status is, by law, its number of inhabitants. A settlement can become a city if it has more than 5 000 dwellers, and if 75% of them have an occupation not linked to agriculture. Aside from these two mandatory criteria, there are others concerning the quality of life, yet, according to the 2011 law, they seem rather secondary, even facultative. In Hungary, our neighbour, from whom the Romanian language borrowed the very term used for city, the criteria are of an entirely different nature. A settlement is declared a city if it has a high school and complete sewage system, no matter the population’s size or main occupation. This is why places with only 2000 dwellers or even fewer can easily be included on the list of cities. Romania was 55% urban in 2015, according to estimates, and, the same year, Hungary was recorded as being 71% urban. The numbers are clear, but they are just numbers for behind them lie very different meanings of the term city. Anthropology can uncover the motives behind these variations of perspective.

                From this point of view one may say that only the settlements with a small amount of inhabitants could constitute an issue. That is true. Yet 40 000 inhabitants would be considered a population fit for a city anywhere in Europe, while in India this number would represent a village, even leaving room for more. In the end, what is a large city and what is a small city? Bucharest is undoubtedly a metropolis. Its status remains valid when compared to any other European city. It is not by chance that Bucharest, on the numbers map, is the sixth E.U. capital, immediately after Paris and right before Vienna. But I cannot forget the momentary perplexity I experienced when, upon addressing a conventional question (“What do you make of Bucharest?”) to a tourist from Turkey, just introduced to me by a common friend and a person who came from an old family of Armenian merchants established in Istanbul around the 16th century, I received an unwavering and unconventional reply: “It’s beautiful, but very small, I was expecting something at least a bit larger!” Only in 2015, according to estimates, the population of Istanbul increased by over two million inhabitants, the population of an entire Bucharest, and the total number of inhabitants for this city at the border between continents surpasses the number of inhabitants in Romania. And, let us not forget, geographically, Istanbul is closer to us than Paris or Vienna, the European capitals that frame Bucharest size-wise. Istanbul should not be too far culturally either, taking into account the long history of Ottoman occupation in the Balkans. Is Bucharest still large?


The city of cities, in regards to population, is Tokyo, which in its urban area gathers over 37 million inhabitants. If we do not take into account the urban area, Tokyo drops down suddenly at number 14, immediately after Istanbul, leaving first place to Shanghai, with nearly 25 million dwellers. For Europe, these are currently impossible numbers. On the opposite end of the spectrum, there is only one settlement in the world, an European one, that can claim the title of Earth’s smallest city, without protest. It is called Hum, a Croatian settlement in the Istria Peninsula, towards the Italian border, in an area where several cultural overlaps have created a very interesting combination for an anthropologist. Hum has been a city ever since the Middle Ages. From then until now its size and street system have remained unchanged. Its history is interesting, having been attested during the 12th century, at the heart of an area traditionally known for truffle hunting and preserved Glagolitic inscriptions. Its inhabitants have always been few. Nowadays there are exactly 21. Plus a square and three streets so short that in five minutes you can walk along all of them thrice. Yet it is officially a city, the world’s smallest. And a series of arguments clearly support this status: it is located at the top of a hill, as are all cities in Istria, while the villages can always be found at the foothill. It has all the institutions required for a city in its small square: a school, a church, a Court of Justice, a City Hall and a former guild headquarters. Despite having just three streets, these were planned from the beginning, not built randomly. I have visited it recently and can confirm that Hum, in Croatia, with its 21 dwellers, is both beautiful and a city.

                2008 is the year UNESCO considered to be the first time in the history of mankind when urban population reached the level of rural population. Of course the variations between definitions on what separates rural from urban were not taken into account. Between 21 dwellers and several tens of thousands, any settlement can be a city. The only thing is that this “any” differs from one cultural and geographical space to another. And it is here, speaking of differences, that anthropological analysis has much to say.

Anyway, going back to older cultures, archaeologists do not hesitate to consider settlements much older than those in Mesopotamia, also in Asia and from the Neolithic period – Jericho, Çatal Hüyük, Kirokitia – to name a few, as cities. The criterion is different every time, and manages to persuade every time, using different means. The great Neolithic site of Transylvania, near Cristian, uncovered in 2012, a settlement for people who historians say came from around Anatolia, also dates from that time. Archaeologists did not waver in calling it a city, taking into account its dimensions and the fact that the world’s oldest mask and a vessel painted with what lab analyses revealed to be the world’s oldest paint were found here.

                The articles from this issue of the Urban Anthropology Journal travel between different urban cultures, both old and modern, from Quebec – though the articles written by Ioana Comat, Aude Maltais-Landry, Ioana Radu and Alexandru Popp – to Iran – through the articles signed by Bahareh Bahtaei, Hakim nia Mostafa and Nazanin Kaveh – to Brussels, where Horia Ioan Iova analyses the role of theatre in defining the social identity of the Moroccan community very beautifully, to Vama Veche, where Ruxandra Petrinca focuses on the reconfiguration of the Bucharest intellectual elite’s leisure activities from before the Iron Curtain’s fall.

dD. Cătălin D. Constantin

(English version by Eliana Radu)

Editorial: Qu’est-ce qu’une ville? De la plus grande ville du monde à la plus petite - Auteur: Dr. Cătălin D. Constantin (Francais)

                Quand et comment les villes apparaissent-elles? Pendant longtemps, la théorie la plus répandue fut celle de la diffusion. Selon cette théorie, les premières villes sont apparues en Mésopotamie, vers le IVe siècle av. J.-C. De là, elles se sont propagées vers la vallée de l’Indus et la Chine, et vers l’ouest, vers la Grèce. La polis grecque est l’ancêtre des villes européennes, un fil rouge reliant les établissements urbains de la Grèce antique à ceux d’aujourd’hui. Ce n’est pas la seule théorie liée à la naissance et à l’évolution des mondes urbains, mais, hélas, nous nous sommes déjà concentrés sur les origines des villes, oubliant une autre question tout aussi importante.

                Qu’est-ce qui fait d’une ville une ville? Ou, plus simplement, qu’est-ce qu’une ville? La réponse semble être liée au domaine de la preuve et tous les traités d’anthropologie urbaine développent leurs analyses en commençant par l’histoire de la ville, ou quoi que ce soit d’autre, jugeant la réponse à la question précédente implicite. Pourtant les choses ne sont pas tout à fait ainsi.

                Ce que nous comprenons par ville n’est toujours pas clair, et donc ce que nous pouvons comprendre par ville quand on fait référence à des civilisations antiques est encore moins clair. La ville signifie différentes choses, non seulement d’un âge à un autre, mais aussi d’une culture à l’autre, et même dans les zones géographiques voisines la définition d’une ville pourrait différer considérablement. En Roumanie par exemple, le critère principal pour qu’un village ou une localité puisse obtenir le statut de ville est, par la loi, son nombre d’habitants. Un village peut devenir une ville s’il compte plus de 5 000 habitants et si 75% d’entre eux ont une occupation qui n’est pas liée à l’agriculture. En dehors de ces deux critères obligatoires, il y en a d’autres concernant la qualité de vie. Pourtant, selon la loi de 2011, ils semblent plutôt secondaires, voire facultatifs. En Hongrie, notre voisin, qui a offert à la langue roumaine le mot utilisé pour dire ‘ville’, les critères sont d’une tout autre nature. Un village est déclaré une ville s’il a une école secondaire et un système d’égout complet, peu importe son nombre d’habitants ou leur occupation principale. C’est pourquoi des lieux ayant seulement 2000 habitants, ou même moins, peuvent facilement être inclus sur la liste des villes. Selon les estimations, la Roumanie de 2015 était 55% urbaine, mais la Hongrie de 2015 est 71% urbaine. Les chiffres sont clairs, mais ce sont juste des nombres, soutenus par des significations très différentes concernant le terme de ville. L’anthropologie peut découvrir les motivations de ces variations de perspective.

De ce point de vue, on peut dire que seuls les établissements peu peuplés pourraient constituer un problème. C’est vrai. Pourtant, 40 000 habitants seraient considérés comme une population normale pour une ville n’importe où en Europe, tandis qu’en Inde ce nombre représenterait un village, même laissant place à plus. En fin de compte, qu’est-ce qu’une grande ville et qu’est-ce qu’une petite ville? Bucarest est sans aucun doute une métropole. Son statut reste valable par rapport à toute autre ville européenne. Ce n’est pas par hasard que Bucarest est la sixième capitale de l’Union européenne, selon la liste des villes par population, immédiatement après Paris et juste avant Vienne. Mais je ne peux pas oublier la perplexité momentanée que j’ai éprouvée quand, en adressant une question conventionnelle («que pensez-vous de Bucarest?») à un touriste de la Turquie, qui venait de m’être présenté par un ami commun et une personne qui est descendu d’une vieille famille de marchands arméniens établie à Istanbul vers le 16ème siècle, j’ai reçu une réponse inébranlable et inédite: «C’est beau, mais très petit, j’attendais quelque chose au moins un peu plus grand!» Seulement en 2015, selon les estimations, la population d’Istanbul a augmenté de plus de deux millions d’habitants, la population d’un Bucarest entier, et le nombre total d’habitants pour cette ville à la frontière entre continents surpasse le nombre d’habitants en Roumanie. Et, n’oublions pas, géographiquement, Istanbul est plus proche de nous que Paris ou Vienne, les capitales européennes qui encadrent Bucarest en ce qui concerne le nombre d’habitants. Istanbul ne devrait pas être trop loin culturellement, en tenant compte de la longue histoire de l’occupation ottomane dans les Balkans. Bucarest est-il encore grand?

La ville des villes, en parlant de population, est Tokyo, qui dans sa zone urbaine rassemble plus de 37 millions d’habitants. Si l’on ne tient pas compte de la zone urbaine, Tokyo tombe soudainement à la 14ème place, immédiatement après Istanbul, laissant la première place à Shanghai, avec près de 25 millions d’habitants. Pour l’Europe, il s’agit de chiffres actuellement impossibles. Au pôle opposé, il n’y a qu’une seule ville au monde, une ville Européenne, qui puisse revendiquer sans aucun doute le titre de la plus petite ville de la Terre. Cette ville est appelée Hum, une ville croate de la péninsule d’Istrie, vers la frontière italienne, dans une zone où plusieurs chevauchements culturels ont créé un mélange très intéressant pour un anthropologue. Hum est une ville depuis le Moyen Âge. Depuis lors, jusqu’à maintenant, sa taille et ses rues sont restés inchangés. Son histoire est intéressante, attestée depuis le 12e siècle, au cœur d’une région traditionnellement connue pour la chasse aux truffes et les inscriptions glagolitiques préservées. Ses habitants n’ont jamais été nombreux. Aujourd’hui, il y a exactement 21. Plus une place et trois rues si courtes que dans cinq minutes vous pouvez les parcourir toutes trois fois. Pourtant, Hum est officiellement une ville, la plus petite du monde. Et une série d’arguments défendent clairement ce statut: Hum est situé au sommet d’une colline, comme le sont toutes les villes en Istrie, tandis que les villages peuvent toujours être trouvés au pied de la colline. Il a toutes les institutions nécessaires pour une ville sur sa petite place: une école, une église, une cour de justice, une mairie et un ancien quartier général de la guilde. En dépit d’avoir seulement trois rues, celles-ci ont été prévues dès le début et non pas construites au hasard. Je l’ai visité récemment et je peux confirmer que Hum, en Croatie, avec ses 21 habitants, est à la fois magnifique et une ville.

                2008 est l’année que l’UNESCO considère comme marquant la première fois dans l’histoire de l’humanité que la population urbaine atteint le niveau de la population rurale. Bien entendu, les différentes définitions qui séparent les zones rurales des zones urbaines n’ont pas été prises en compte. Entre 21 habitants et plusieurs dizaines de milliers, toute localité peut être une ville. La seule chose est que ce «toute» diffère d’un espace culturel et géographique à un autre. Et c’est ici, parlant des différences, que l’analyse anthropologique a beaucoup à dire.

                Quoi qu’il en soit, en revenant aux cultures plus anciennes, les archéologues n’hésitent pas de considérer des établissements beaucoup plus anciens que ceux de Mésopotamie comme des villes, toujours en Asie et datant aussi de Néolithique – Jéricho, Çatal Hüyük, Kirokitia – pour n’en citer que quelques-unes. Les critères sont, à chaque fois, différents, et chaque fois ils parviennent à persuader, de différentes manières. Le grand site néolithique de la Transylvanie, près de Cristian, découvert en 2012, un lieu peuplé, selon les historiens, par des hommes venus des alentours d’Anatolie daté également de cette époque. Les archéologues n’ont pas hésité à appeler ce site une ville, en tenant compte de ses dimensions et du fait que le masque le plus ancien du monde et un vase peint avec ce que les analyses de laboratoire ont révélé comme étant la peinture la plus ancienne du monde ont été trouvés ici.

                Les articles de ce numéro de la Revue d’Anthropologie Urbaine voyagent entre les différentes cultures urbaines, anciennes et modernes, du Québec – à travers les articles signés par Ioana Comat, Aude Maltais-Landry, Ioana Radu et Alexandru Popp – au Iran grâce aux ouvrages de Bahareh Bahtaei, Hakim nia Mostafa et Nazanin Kaveh – à Bruxelles, où Horia Ioan Iova offre une belle analyse du rôle du théâtre dans la définition de l’identité sociale de la communauté marocaine, à Vama Veche, où Ruxandra Petrinca se concentre sur le reconfiguration du loisir des élites intellectuelles Bucarestoises avant la chute du rideau de fer.

Dr. Cătălin D. Constantin

(Version en francaise Eliana Radu

Leitartikel: Was ist eine Stadt? Von der größten bis zur kleinsten Stadt der Welt - Autor: Dr. Cătălin D. Constantin (Deutsch)

                Wie und wann sind die Städte erschienen? Lange Zeit war die diffusionistische Theorie sehr verbreitet. Gemäß dieser Theorie, sind die ersten Städte in Mesopotamien in dem IV. Jahrtausend v. Chr. entstanden. Von hier aus haben sie sich in der Richtung des Indus-Tals, nach China und im Westen nach Griechenland entfalten. Die griechische Polis ist der Urahn der Städte aus ganze Europa. Sie ist ein roter Faden, der die städtische Siedlungen des griechischen Altertums mit den heutigen Städten verbindet. Diese ist jedoch nicht die einzige Theorie zum Thema von Erscheinen undEvolution der städtischen Welten. Wir haben uns in der Geschichte vertieft und somit eine andere genauso wichtige Frage vergessen! Was macht eine Stadt aus? Oder noch einfacher: Was ist eine Stadt? Die Antwort scheint selbstverständlich zu sein, alle anthropologische Abhandlungen haben als Ansatz die Geschichte der Stadt oder behandeln andere Themen, die Antwort auf dieser Frage ist einbegriffen.

                Aber das ist gar nicht so.

                Heute noch ist es unklar, was wir unter Stadt verstehen; noch weniger  klar ist, was man unter Stadt verstehen kann, wenn man über alten Zivilisationen spricht.

                Die Definition der Stadt ist nichr nur geschichtlich, sondern auch kulturell bedingt.  Auch in geographischen benachbarten Räume wird die Stadt anders verstanden.  In Rumänien zum Beispiel, um von Zuhause zu beginnen, muss eine Siedlung das Kriterium der Einwohnerzahl erfüllen, um als Stadt bezeichnet zu werden. Eine Siedlung kann als Stadt gelten nur wenn es dort mehr als 5000 Bewohner gibt und sich 75% davon nicht mehr mit Ackerbau beschäftigt.

                Diese zwei Kriterien sind die wichtigsten; es gibt zwar auch andere, die sich auf die Lebensqualität  bezehen, aber laut des Gesetzes aus 2011, scheinen diese eher sekundär  und fakultativ zu sein.

                In Ungarn, das Nachbarland,  gibt es ganz andere Kriterien.  Eine Siedlung gilt als Stadt wenn sie ein Lyzeum und ein vollständiges Kanalisationsnetz hat. Die Einwohnerzahl und ihre Beschäftigungen sind  unwichtig, sodass es Siedlungen gibt, die kaum 2000 Einwohner haben, die auf der Städteliste erscheinen.

                Rumänien ist 55% städtisch, laut der geschätzten Zahlen aus 2015,  Ungarn ist in diemselben Jahr 71% städlisch.  Die Zahlen sind klar, aber sie sind nur Zahlen; dahinter stecken sehr verschiedene Verstehensweisen, was die Stadt betrifft. Die Anthropologie kann den Grund dieser Perspektivendifferenzen erklären.

                Ihr werdet sagen, dass nur die Siedlungen mit einer kleinen Einwohnerzahl in Frage kämen. Es ist wahr. Aber wenn überall in Europa 40.000 Einwohner als Stadtbevölkerung gelten können, reicht diese Zahl in Indien kaum für eine Stadt.

                Was ist eine große Stadt und was ist eine kleine Stadt?  Bukarest ist mit Sicherheit eine Großstadt. Diese Position wurde durch den Vergleich mit anderen europäischen Städten klar: Bukarest befindet sich auf dem 6. Platz auf der Hauptstadtliste der Europäischen Union, gleich nach Paris und vor Wien. Aber ein Geschehen kommt mir nicht aus dem Kopf. Einmal habe ich einen Touristen aus Türkei, der mir gerade von einem Freund vorgestellt wurde, und der aus einer alten, nach Istanbul übersiedelten armenischen Händlerfamilie aus dem XVI Jahrhundert stammte, gefragt, wie ihm Bukarest gefällt. Ohne sich zu weigern, antwortete er: Er ist schön, aber sehr klein, ich dachte er sei größer!”

                Nur in 2015, ist die Bevölkerung von Istanbul um über zwei Millionen gestiegen, also einmal ganz Bukarest. Die Zahl der Einwohner an der Grenze zwischen den zwei Kontinenten überschreitet die Einwohnerzahl Rumäniens.

Und wir sollen nicht vergessen, Stambul ist näher an Bukarest als Paris und Wien. Auch kulturell soll Istanbul näher an Bukarest sein, wenn wir an die lange osmanische Herrschaft in Balkan denken. Ist Bukarest noch groß?

Die Stadt der Städte, als Einwohnerzahl, ist Tokio, die in dem städtischen Teil über 37 Milionen Einwohner zählt.  Wenn wir die städtische Zone nicht in Betracht nehmen, dann steigt Tokio bis auf Platz 14, gleich nach Istanbul,  herunter. Auf dem ersten Platz befindet sich in diesem Fall Shanghai mit fast 25 Millionen Einwohner.

                Für Europa sind diese Zahlen im Moment unerreichbar. Auf der anderen Seite, befindet sich die kleinste Siedlung  der Welt in Kroatien, und nämlich Hum, in der Istria Halbinsel, neben der Grenze mit Italien. Diese Zone weckt das Interesse der Anthopologen, durch das kulturelle Übereinanderlegen.

                Hum wurde in dem Mittelalter als Stadt ernannnt. Von da an hat sich kaum etwas daran geändert, weder die Größe noch die Struktur der Straßen.  Die kleinste Stadt hat eine spannende Geschichte, erwähnt wurde sie schon in dem XII Jahrhundet, sie befindet sich im Zentrum einer traditionellen Trüffelernte-Zone. Die Stadt hatte nie viele Einwohner und es gibt hier noch glagolitische Inschriften. Heute hat die Stadt  genau 21 Einwohner, ein Marktplatz und drei Straßen, die so klein sind, dass man sie in 5 Minuten dreimal durchlaufen kann. Aber Hum ist offiziell eine Stadt, die kleinste Stadt der Welt.

                Dafür sprechen folgende Kriterien: die Stadt befindet sich auf einer Hügelspitze, wie alle Städte aus Istria, indem alle Dörfer im Tal sind. Auf dem kleinen Marktplatz sind alle Institutionen einer Stadt: Schule, Kirche, Gerichtshof, Rathaus, ein altes Zunfthaus. Dir drei Straßen wurden nach einem gut durchgedachten Plan gebaut. Ich habe die Stadt vor Kurzem besichtigt und ich kann es bestätigen: Hum, in Kroatien, hat 21 Einwohner, ist schön und ist eine Stadt.

                2008 ist laut UNESCO das Jahr, in dem die städtische Bevölkerung der ländlichen Bevölkerung gleichgekommen ist, zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte. Sicher, man hat die sehr verschiedenen Definitionen der Stadt nicht berücksichtigt.

                Eine Stadt kann also zwischen 21 und einige Milionen Einwohner haben, jede Siedlung kann eine Stadt werden. Dieser „jeder” ist in jedem kulturellen un geographischen Kontext ein anderer. Genau hier hat die anthropologische Analyse viel zu sagen.

                Auf jedem Fall, zu den alten Kulturen zurückkehrend, identifizieren viele Archeologen eine ganze Reihe von Siedlungen, älter als die in Mesopotamien, die sich auch in Asien befinden, als Städte. Diese Städte, die aus dem Neolithikum stammen – Jericho, Çatal Hüyük, Kirokitia-, sind nur einige Beispiele. Die Kriterien sind immer andere, aber jedes Mal überzeugen sie auf verschiedene Weisen. Aus einer ähnlichen Periode stammt auch die große neolithische Ausgrabungsstätte aus Siebenbürgen, neben Cristian (Neustadt). Diese wurde 2012 entdeckt, als Siedlung einer Bevölkerung aus Anatolien, laut Historiker. Die Archeologen haben die Siedlung als Stadt bezeichnet , wegen seiner Größe und wegen der Tatsache, dass man hier die älteste Maske der Welt entdeckt hat. Eine andere Entdeckung war ein bemalter Tontopf, dessen Farbe, laut Laboranalysen, die älteste Farbe aus der Geschichte der Menschheit sei.

                Die Artikeln aus dieser Ausgabe machen eine Reise zwischen verschiedenen städtischen Kulturen, alte und zeitgenössische, von Quebec – die Artikeln von Ioana Comat, Aude Maltais, Ioana Radu und  Alexandru Popp – bis Iran – durch die Artikeln von Bahareh Bathaei und Hakim nia Mostafa, von Bruxelles, wo Horia Iova sehr schön die  Rolle des Theaters in der Festlegung der sozialen Identität der marokanischen Gemeinschaft, bis Vama Veche, wo Ruxandra Petrinca, die Wiedergerinnung der bukarester intellektueller Elite in den Ferien, vor dem Fall des eisernen Vorhangs, verfolgt.

Dr. Cătălin D. Constantin

(Ubersetzung in Deutsch von Cristina Mărculeț Petrescu)

The intricate world of hospital: Macro Level - Autor: Alexandru Popp

This descriptive analysis, which is the first part of a 5 parts series, attempts to understand and explain the complexities of the hospital, taking in consideration that at the macro level the healthcare system itself operates in a complex nature, at the meso level the administration and management of such an institution is a labyrinth of power, interests and ‘good operations’, as well as at the micro level, the hospital is composed by different groups having divergent goals and objectives. In order to understand very specific elements of this organization and how one can improve its operations, one must understand how and why the Hospital operates in the manner in which it does.

The first part of this examination is concerned with the macro level analysis and introduces the system itself, the organization and institutions.Different institutional logics and setups are scrutinized in order to determine which one is better suited to handle such a convoluted organization.

Keywords: Healthcare system, hospital, organizations, institutional rationalities, bureaucracy.

Alexandru Popp

Department of Mechanical Engineering,

University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, Canada


The myth of the “encounter”: power dynamics and inequities in the stories told by the Innu of Nutashkuan - Autor: Aude Maltais-Landry

                Who am I? Positioning myself as a researcher

                Indigenous methodologies often stress out the importance for researchers to position themselves from the beginning, in an effort to give readers the keys to understanding the story being told (Kovach, 2009, pp.3-4). As a Canadian, Québécois, white, and francophone woman, I was raised with little knowledge of Indigenous history, in a national narrative of survival (Québécois) that ignored the similar quest of independence and recognition of Indigenous peoples; this paradox has been stressed out in recent historiography (Mills, 2010, pp.5-6, 58-61). Just like the average youth in francophone Quebec, the version of history in which I grew up included key moments such as the “Golden Age” of the establishment of New France, its “Fall” and “Conquest” by the British Empire, followed by a period of “Darkness”, until the “Revival” of the Révolution Tranquille in the 1960s (Létourneau and Moisan, 2004).

                In this version of the historical narrative, the “encounter” between the European and Indigenous peoples under the French regime is a rather positive one: trade exchanges and military alliances are depicted as having been “equalitarian”, based on “reciprocity” and the idea of a “Nation-to-Nation” partnership. While this assumption might contain some truth, partly because the French colonizers, having arrived in small numbers, depended a lot on what would become their Indigenous “allies”, it tends to minimize the impact of the French as a “colonizing people” (Savard, 2008, p.130). Of course, this perspective also leaves little space for the point of view of Indigenous peoples.

                It is worth noting that in this version of history which I learned growing up, Indigenous peoples disappear from our collective memory after the British Conquest. They “reappear” in the 1970s, with contemporary claims and recent nationalism. In the interval, however, a whole process of larger-scale colonization affected all Nations in what would become Canada. Large parts of this process still remain quite undocumented, particularly the creation of reserves.[1] In 2013, I embarked on a journey to understand this colonization process better and to explore, through an oral history project with a specific community, how a reserve was created.

                Keywords: Colonization, oral history, Innu, reserves, stories, Indigenous peoples, Canada, Quebec

Reserves are small parcels of land “reserved” for the Indigenous peoples, often in exchange of the cession of great chunks of land. For more about this absence of research in Québec, see Gélinas, 2007, pp.9-15.

Aude Maltais-Landry,

Associate Director, Centre for Oral History and Digital Storytelling,

Concordia University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada

Geography features of Kandovan Village and its impact on the lifestyle of its inhabitants - Autor: Bahareh Bathaei

Kandovan is a village in Sahand Rural District, in the Central District of Osku County, East Azerbaijan Province, Iran. This village exemplifies manmade cliff dwellings which are still inhabited. The troglodyte homes, excavated inside volcanic rocks and tuffs similar to dwellings in the Turkish region of Cappadocia, are locally called “Karaan”. Karaans were cut into the Lahars (volcanic mudflow or debris flow) of Mount Sahand. The cone form of the houses is the result of lahar flow consisting of porous round and angular pumice together with other volcanic particles that were positioned in a grey acidic matrix. After the eruption of Sahand these materials were naturally moved and formed the rocks of Kandovan. Around the village the thickness of this formation exceeds 100 m and with time due to water erosion the cone shaped cliffs were formed. At the 2006 census, the village population was 601, in 168 families.

In this village, houses are not built on a mountain, but within a mountain. Another interesting aspect is the fact that the rock acts as an energy efficient material, keeping the house cool during summer and warm during winter. This is why most of the inhabitants here do not use heaters or air conditioning systems.

The intriguing architecture of this village seems to defy all rules and travelers are usually fascinated by its incredible slopes and irreverent paths.  Recently a hotel was built, inspired by and connected to the “style” of the village. The “Rocky Hotel” features beautiful cave interiors with very comfortable living spaces. What we found interesting is that it takes ten months for four people to dig a room.

In this research, human lifestyle factors and the physical environment as well as their relationships with each other, will be studied in socio-economic backgrounds. Generally, influence of the shape of human life in relation to the geography of the area, will be investigated.

Keywords: Geography features, cliff architecture, human lifestyle

Bahareh Bathaei

PhD student at University of Architecture & Urbanism ION MINCU (Romania, Bucharest)

Aboriginal and Diasporic: an Impossible Predisposition? When the Discourses of Urban Aboriginal Organisations Enlighten Theoretical Debates - Autor: Ioana Comat


Autohtonii și diaspora: o receptivitate imposibilă? Când discursurile organizațiilor autohtone urbane iluminează dezbateri teoretice

Cercetătorii investiți cu studiul aborigenilor urbani- activitate în plin proces de construcție -, sunt de opinie că anumite concepte, folosite în general pentru a descrie experiența urbană a autohtonilor trebuie să fie regândite.Acest lucru este valabil și pentru conceptele de aculturație și de asimilare, mai ales din momentul în care experiența urbană actuală a societăților autohtone reflectă întărirea identității etnice. Acest articol explorează aceste redefiniri teoretice, ca și cele referitoare la teritoriu, migrație și urbanizare. În al doilea rând, articolul pune în discuție ideea diasporei – un termen ales de actorii autohtoni urbani – pentru a deschide dezbaterea acestui concept în domeniul geografiei urbane.

Cuvinte cheie: autohtoni, diaspora, aborigeni, identități etnice, migrație, urbanizare

Ioana Comat

Zoroastrian houses of Yazd, Iran - Autori: Hakim Nia Mostafa, Kaveh Nazanin


Iranian traditional architecture is one of the world’s architectures par excellence. Iranian architecture has developed over millenium in response to its religion. Many traditional and vernacular buildings in Iran show that the architects had been so clever in harmonizing the Iranian religion and architecture in the past. The architects know how to adapt architecture to Iran’s conditions.This article will explain the impacts of Iranian religions (Zoroastrian and Islam) on its architecture, and the major focus of the paper is to introduce how Iranian architecture has been influenced by the religion. It will analyze the Iranian architecture in the past and will show how the Iranian architecture was in harmony with Iranian religion, as well as its ideology. This article shows the difference between Zoroastrian house and their neighbors in Yazd , Iran.

Keywords: Zoroastrian house, Architecture, Culture, YazdIran,

Hakim nia Mostafa (Romania- Ph.D. student UAUIM)

Kaveh Nazanin (Romania- student UAUIM)

The role of theater in defining social identities A study on the “Sucre, venin et fleurs d’oranger” theater play in the context of the Moroccan community of Molenbeek-Saint-Jean - Autor: Horia-Ioan Iova


The goal of this study is to explore the connections that can be established between the artistic field of theater and the scientific field of anthropology, based on the application in a specific socio-cultural context of the concept of “performance”. The subject of the analysis is the creation of the “Sucre, venin et fleurs d’oranger” theater play in the context of the Moroccan community of Molenbeek Saint-Jean, Belgium. The practical research was conducted on the field, between April 2015 and November 2015. The study is sustained with a theoretical construct comprised of different studies and examples of practices coming from the field of anthropology, performance studies and theater, of authors such as Erving Goffman, Augusto Boal and Richard Schechner.

   Keywords: performance, immigration, Molenbeek-Saint-Jean, social theater

Horia-Ioan Iova

Master in Cultural Studies, University of Bucharest

The Questions of citizenship in a globalized world: Indigenous Peoples and the Canadian State- Autor: Ioana Radu PhD.

After a brief overview of the evolution of the theory of citizenship since Marshall’s introduction of equal rights and the rise of multiculturalism preceding the fall of communism in eastern Europe, this essay explores the ways in which the concept of citizenship has shaped Aboriginal[1] lives and how in turn their claims for difference have impacted the ways in which the state has redefined the normative and prescriptive practices of citizenship. To illustrate these aspects it will present an examination of the Canadian jurisprudence relating to Aboriginal claims and the impact of political mobilization of the Cree Nation of Eeyou Istchee (northern Quebec, Canada).

Keywords: citizenship, Aboriginal peoples, autonomy, Cree Nation of Eeyou Istchee, minority rights

[1] In this his article Aboriginal refers to Canada’s First Nations, Inuit, and Métis populations as defined by Article 35 (1) of the Canadian Constitution; Indigenous refers to Aboriginal people internationally. The term Indian refers to status Aboriginal peoples as defined by the Indian Act. First Nations, Aboriginal and Indian are used interchangeably depending on the context of the discussion. When referring to a specific Aboriginal group they are identified with their Nation, such as the Cree Nations of Eeyou Istchee.

Ioana Radu, PhD

Post-doctoral fellow, Institut National de Recherche Scientifique- Centre Urbanisation Culture Société, Réseau  DIALOG: Le  réseau  de  recherche  et  de connaissances relatives aux peuples autochtones, Montreal

Niche tourism and the construction of alternative cultural spaces in socialist Romania - Author: Ruxandra I. Petrinca


Ţărmurile Mării Negre au servit drept locaţie pentru o serie amplă de activităţi nonconformiste. Pe parcursul ultimelor două decenii de guvernare comunistă, satele 2 Mai şi Vama Veche au devenit un brand al mediului cultural românesc, oaze de libertate individuală, spaţii alternative, sau scurte momente de răgaz într-o epoca în care societatea civilă era altfel sufocată.                               

Acest articol explorează istoria şi transformarea socială a comunităţilor de frontieră de la Marea Neagră, 2 Mai şi Vama Veche, punând accent pe cultură alternativă, care s-a dezvoltat acolo, în anii şaizeci, şi a atins apogeul în anii optzeci. Aici, restricţiilor impuse de regim asupra libertăţilor individuale li s-a răspuns printr-o gamă largă de activităţi restricţionate sau chiar interzise: nudism, yoga, recitaluri folk, discuţii pe diferite teme, politice, sociale sau culturale, or schimburi de cărţi cenzurate. În ciuda limitărilor impuse de existenţa Cortinei de Fier, influenţele occidentale au pătruns în România, iar în comunităţile din 2 Mai şi Vama Veche s-a dezvoltat un fenomen social, o contracultură imitând mişcarea americană hippie. A fost o expresie a unui anumit tip de sociabilitate, o subcultura elitistă, deschisă tuturor celor care s-au bucurat de muzică lui Leonard Cohen, sau Elvis Presley, un „hippie a la roumaine.” În mod ironic, acest micro-univers a fost parţial populat de ideologii partidului. Prin urmare, controverse asupra identităţii culturale ale acestor situri emblematice, componenta lor socială, precum şi natura activităţilor care au avut loc, persistă şi astăzi în presa românească.

Studiul localităţilor 2 Mai şi Vama Veche ca situri de comportament alternativ, tolerate dar nu pe deplin controlate de regimul comunist, sugerează că indivizii au interacţionat unii cu alţii şi cu autorităţile statului în moduri diferite faţă de interacţiunile lor în alte spaţii sau localităţi. Pentru a parafraza bine cunoscută remarcă a istoricul L. P. Hartley „trecutul este o ţară străină,” se poate spune că dizidenţa a fost o altă localitate pentru cei care au ales să-şi petreacă vacanţele în 2 Mai şi Vama Veche.

Cuvinte cheie: 2 Mai, Vama Veche, libertate individuală, cenzură, identități culturale, Cortina de Fier, situri de comportament alternative

Ruxandra I. Petrinca

McGill University

The problem of human races in the vision of Francisc Iosif Rainer - Autor: Dr. Adrian Majuru


Professor Francisc Iosif Rainer worked alongside savant Dimitrie Gusti in all sociological research campaigns organised by the latter in Nereju Mare (1927), Fundul Moldovei (1928) and Drăguș (1932). The scientific association of the two figures was based on the desire to understand human beings in their bio-cultural complexity. The bond between these two sides of humankind, often conceptualised and analysed apart from one another, constituted a common preoccupation for both the anatomist and anthropologist Francisc Rainer and the creator of the school of sociology, Dimitrie Gusti.

One of his constant preoccupations was the evolution of the human race determined by prolonged geographical isolation, climate, and, implicitly, under the pressure of external characteristics determined by the flora and fauna included in the diet. In the present study, Rainer presents, using the research methods available at the time (1930-1940) how human races appeared and evolved. It is noteworthy that, during an age of great political strife, Rainer was brave enough to scientifically claim that all humans have a common ancestor, who a long time ago migrated from Africa, in successive waves over the course of thousands of years. The present study presents and supports this perspective.

Keywords: Francisc Rainer, racial history, ethology, phylogeny, anthropogenesis

Dr. Adrian Majuru

The postindustrial landscape of Bucharest - Autor: Oana Voicu


Industrialisation began during the second half of the 19th century, carrying on afterwards, albeit at a slower pace. This industrial wave however gained force during the time of the communist regime, bringing along with it a series of issues caused by an irrational, rushed and forced rhythm. In the current context, industrial buildings are on the verge of disappearing from Bucharest’s urban tissue, composing an image that incites curiosity, both through their old appearance as well as through the advance state of decay these buildings are usually in.

The present work aims to analyse the dynamic evolution of Bucharest from an industrial point of view, to run through all the steps of its evolution for a better understanding of the extremely interesting industrial environment of this city, while also striving to analyse the city’s dynamic, successful or unsuccessful, attempt at becoming an organism aesthetically as well as functionally or practically composed.

Keywords: industrialisation, patrimony, economy, historic, impact.

Oana Voicu  

The urban public space in people's lives – an historical-antropologic analysis - Autor: Andra Filofteia Zamfir

Take great care of the people and of the priceless life in public spaces (…) A successful endeavour at designing cities best suited for people must have urban life and space as starting points. It is the most important and most difficult step, which cannot be postponed later on in the process.” (Gehl, 2012)

Urban public space is viewed by most as being a political space. Does public space attract or reject, gather or disperse, do we like it or do we not, do we need it? For many people public space does not represent anything, for a few it means everything… what does urban public space actually represent in people’s lives?

Keywords: people, activities, life, quality, specialist

 Andra Filofteia Zamfir

Beauty procedures in front of forensic - Autor: Prof. Dr. Nicolae Minovici

Medicine is par excellence a scientific field closely linked to the most concrete conditions and realities of the social environment.

This is why the great figures of the medical sphere have always had access to an in depth view of contemporary society’s issues, making an effort to overcome the restricted field of their speciality, enlarging it to the point where it encompasses the social determinants of pathologic problems.

Such a scientist, a figure whose specialisation drew him to the most concrete, painful and urgent issues of social life and a man who tried to offer practical solutions to these issues, with the help of medicine and science, was Professor Nicolae Minovici.

The present study is a recovery for the audience at large, especially so since the original study’s subject remains of interest even today. It is likely one of the first and among the rare materials published on the subject of plastic surgery in Romania, exposing both the dangers of the practice as well as the changes that human behaviour could undergo should the practice of plastic surgery become widespread.

Keywords: Nicolae Minovici, plastic surgery, human ethology, physical anthropology

Prof. Dr. Nicolae Minovici

The Urban Anthropology Journal No.7 (2016)

Revista de Antropologie Urbană Nr.7
The Urban Anthropology Journal No.7 (2016) - CONTENTS
  • Editorial: Periferii culturale în orașe globale – Author: Dr. Adrian Majuru (Romanian)
  • Editorial: Cultural outskirts in global cities – Author: Dr. Adrian Majuru (English)
  • Editorial: Périphéries culturelles dans les villes mondiales – Auteur: Dr. Adrian Majuru (French)
  • Leitartikel: Kulturelle Peripherien in globalen Städten – Author: Dr. Adrian Majuru (German)
  • Diversity, conflict and culture in global anthropology – Author: Andrada M. Ivan
  • The recipe for accessible and sustainable favelas. Improving life in favelas and maintaining its original identity – Author: Urbanist Silviu-Iulian Balazs
  • The process of urbanisation in the mega-city of Tokyo. A historical and cultural perspective – Author: Arch. Bianca BUZDUGAN
  • Urban space from the viewpoint of the modern Japanese community – Author: Petrec Bogdan
  • The effects of population relocation along a BRT transportation corridor – Author: Ioana Breaz
  • Shared Space – a new (re)organization of public spaces and cities – Author: Alexandru Chiriță
  • Population transformations in mega-cities. Case study: Tokyo – Author: Andreea Constantinescu
  • Anthropology tribe in the UAE. The key issue of urban anthropology – Author: Sadieh Abdalla
  • The identity of an informal community – a human technology in Cairo – Author: Emanuel Vâlcea-Precup
  • Technological progress and public urban space – Author: Petrec Bogdan
  • Celebrating and the celebration of Christmas during the Communist period – a historical and anthropological analysis – Author: Elena Dublea
  • Living in the post-socialist city of Chisinau – Author: Pluta Elvira
  • Public space as regeneration resource for informal settlements
  • Preservation and restoration interventions for a historically and artistically valuable sculpture, the marble bust of Carol I – Author: Aida Simona Grigore – Restorer
  • Hotel House – Urban symbiosis – Author: Diana Postolache
  • Cultural identity and medical history. The visit of German coroner Fritz Strassmann in Bucharest, 1898 – Authors: Lecturer Dr. Octavian Buda și Associate Prof. Dr. Adrian Majuru

Editorial: Periferii culturale în orașe globale - Autor: Dr. Adrian Majuru (Română)

Apariţia urbanului, acum aproximativ 6000 de ani, în mai multe părţi ale lumii, desigur nu brusc ci treptat, a însemnat o transformare majoră în istoria omenirii. Tot ce serveşte devenirea umană, adică necontenita antropogeneză, priveşte antropologia. Urbanizarea s-a mai numit şi revoluţie urbană. Ea nu se defineşte numai prin creşterea populaţiei comunităţilor, a densităţii acestor comunităţi ci şi prin altfel de relaţii interumane, alt fel de relaţii cu mediul. În urban are loc o susţinută producţie de bunuri, la început manufacturate apoi industriale, aici are loc crearea de pieţe organizate, şi apare capacitatea de a susţine un război etc.; toţi aceşti factori au condus la creearea pe parcurs a unei clase manageriale, la apariţia unei elite. Aceste procese, instituţii şi noi categorii umane care încep să apară şi să se diversifice, vor continua să evolueze formând toate straturile societăţii urbane de azi. Cu alte cuvinte relaţiile sociale reprezintă forţa care a cristalizat procesul de urbanizare. Ce găsim în mediul urban la baza acestei foarte puternice creşteri, dezvoltări, diversificări materiale şi spirituale, ce se depăşeşte neîncetat pe sine, spre deosebire de rural, unde nu găsim o creştere şi o dezvoltare comparabilă? Răspunsul este simplu şi în acelaşi timp generator de semnificaţii: O intensificare a comunicării interumane, o îmbogăţire, o diversificare, uneori o rafinare, a calităţii comunicării. Comunicarea interumană este răspunsul. Când zicem comunicare interumană înţelegem, contacte interumane, directe sau indirecte. Un om, trăind în mediu urban, va avea în fiecare zi tot mai multe contacte comunicante, va avea ceva de spus şi de auzit, direct, faţă în faţă, sau indirect, pe cale electronică, de la şi cu semeni de ai săi. Vor contribui la aceasta în afară de răspândirea telefoniei mobile şi perfecţionarea Internetului, facilitarea călătoriilor prin continua îmbunătăţire a deplasărilor, în condiţiile creşterii densităţii populaţionale şi a amestecului de populaţii în centrele urbane. În mediul urban domină competiţia, se trăieşte în tensiune. Toţi se grăbesc.O consecinţă va fi sporirea agresivităţii fiecărui individ, o astfel de trăsătură devenind poate un factor sine qua non a comportamentului fiecăruia. Agresivitatea duce la violenţă. Au loc modificări foarte rapide ale gusturilor, ale modului de viaţă, ale expresiei. Oamenii tind a se imita, unii pe alţii, se iau după modele de viaţă oferite de publicaţii şi televiziuni. Apar obiceiuri noi ce se impun o vreme, fiind apoi înlocuite de altele. Ca şi moda. Obiceiuri care nu prea ţin seama de precepte morale şi nici de sănătate. De aici creşterea patologiei psiho-somatice. Consecinţele nu pot fi în întregime prevăzute. Ritmul schimbărilor este foarte accentuat. Au loc schimbări în zona sexualităţii, a alimentaţiei, a petrecerii timpului liber, a mişcării fizice individuale. Efortul fizic e tot mai redus. Toate acestea au o relevanţă antropologică majoră. Schimbările intervin sistemic şi uneori în regim de urgenţă, efectele impun, fără întârziere, adecvări la noile situaţii. În numai zece ani omenirea se va resimţi în modul de viaţă cotidian de tot ce se inventează şi se aruncă pe piaţă acum. Odată descoperită plăcerea mâncării, sau a rafinamentelor culinare, cel mai important act de întreţinere a vieţii, alimentaţia a ajuns să genereze o patologie specifică, s-a ajuns azi la pandemia de obezitate, la boli vasculare, cardiace etc. Acelaşi lucru s-a petrecut şi cu sexualitatea. Menită natural a asigura continuitatea speciei, sexualitatea devine la om şi sursă majoră de plăcere. Azi e greu de precizat ce este mai presus, asigurarea continuităţii speciei sau plăcerea. Preluată de natura umană (ce tinde continuu a se îndepărta de natură), sexualitatea evoluează în zilele noastre, pe direcţii aproape de neimaginat şi procesul transformării ei din act de reproducere în act de plăcere nu s-a încheiat. Nici un fel de bariere-criterii de control, morale (precepte religioase, sociale) sau biologice (apariţia sifilisului acum 5 secole, şi a infecţiei cu HIV, în contemporaneitate) nu a influenţat în vreun fel sexualitatea ca sursă principală de plăcere. Mai semnalăm fără nici un comentariu, o altă temă majoră pentru revista noastră: atitudinea faţă de sănătate şi boală, preocuparea pentru păstrarea sănătăţii ca şi răspunsul în faţa bolii. Timpul şi spaţiul au fost totdeauna marile provocări pentru om. Omul a depus eforturi neîncetate să domine atât spaţiul cât şi timpul.

 Ce a făcut cu timpul economisit, ce a câştigat de pe urma faptului că în loc de două ore ca să parcurgă o distanţă a cheltuit numai o oră, nu se ştie. Am greşi spunând că nu a făcut nimic, că a risipit timpul câştigat. Un factor principal al urbanului, ce merită a fi luat în discuţie, este densitatea mare a populaţiei, aglomeraţia. Într-adevăr aglomeraţia influenţează creşterea şi dezvoltarea, duce la sexualizarea din ce în ce mai timpurie a fetelor (menarha din ce în ce mai devreme), dar şi a băieţilor. Fiecare astfel de evenimente au consecinţe în alte zone ale vieţii, efectele sunt de tip domino şi cercetările antropologice au menirea de a evidenţia aceste mecanisme care au semnificaţie şi valoare antropologică. Sunt luate în discuţie influenţele şi rolul jucat de aglomeraţia şi marea densitate urbană în evoluţia umană. Comportament şi mentalitate. Excese şi progrese. Civilizaţia şi habitatul proiectat pentru confort şi modificarea comportamentelor şi a mentalităţilior. Lipsa naturii înlocuită cu plante de apartament şi animale de companie. Stimuli urbani: oameni de tot felul, calitate diversă, raporturi variate. Astfel, în orașul contemporan, care se dezvoltă în viteze accelerate se dezvoltă periferii culturale într-o diversitate neimaîntâlnită înainte. Nu sunt neaparat etnice sau confesionale cât mai ales etologice sau profesionale. Despre constanta acestui fenomen vorbește Andrada Ivan în studiul Diversitate, conflict și cultură în Antropologia Urbană. Mai departe, studiul semnat de Chrița Alexandru aduce în discuție unul dintre elementele noi ale acestui fenomen de diversitate într-un oraș global: Shared space – o nouă (re)organizare a spațiului public și al orașului. Dosarul tematic «Periferii culturale în orașe globale» și-a focalizat atenția pe vechile culturi periferice ale secolului al XIX-lea, America Latină, Africa de nord și Extremul Orient, tocmai pentru a demonstra, la o sută de ani distanță, cum arată realitatea acestei presiuni uriașe, care se dezvoltă în aceste regiuni și pornesc invers, către cultura occidentală. Bianca Buzdugan publică studiul Procesul de urbanizare în megaorașul Tokyo descriind un fenomen în desfășurare. Bogdan Petrec, prin studiul său Spațiul urban în percepția comunității japoneze moderne este imaginea în oglindă, a schimbărilor care pornesc din interior pentru a modela exteriorul. Referitor la aceeași zonă culturală, Constantinescu Andreea dezvoltă detalii ale modificărilor trăite colectiv de structuri demografice foarte mari pe parcursul unei singure generații în interiorul unei viteze urbane tot mai accelerate din perspectiva raportării la tehnologie. Studiul Transformările populației în megaorașe. Studiu de caz: Tokyo, reprezintă un exemplu în acest sens. Pentru zona mai conservatoare a Orientului Apropiat avem studiul semnat de Sadieh Abdella privind modelarea structurală a unor identități tribale în curentul dezvoltării urbane în Emiratele Arabe Unite. Sadieh prezintă această realitate în studiul Anthropology tribe in the UAE. The issue of Urban Anthropology. Emanuel Vilcea Precup se află în vecinătatea Orientului Apropiat, interesul său fiind atașat de nord estul Africii și Identitatea unei comunități informale – o tehnologie umană în Cairo. Și aici balansul dintre tribal și tehnologic este destul de fragil. Balasz Silviu ne transferă lectura către periferiile marilor metropole braziliene prin studiul său foarte elaborat Favelele – o comunitate aparte. Avem aici o dezbatere foarte documentată, adusă la zi, privind dimensiunea socio-demografică și culturală a unor periferii dificil de explorat. Breaz Ioana merge mai departe și prezintă studiul de caz al unui fenomen profesional organizat și monitorizat pentru zona Rio de Janeiro: Efectele relocării populației de-a lungul unui coridor de transport BRT. Orașul global, metropola ramificațiilor demografice și a structurilor profesionale tot mai variate hrănește o diversitate legată mai nou de remodelarea continuă a spațiului locuit, dar și a restructurării socio-profesionale a generațiilor tinere, pe măsură ce devin adulte. O lume nouă se dezvoltă în fața noastră, cu fiecare zi care trece și se regăsește aproape similară și sincronă pe toate palierele culturale ale lumii noastre.

Dr. Adrian Majuru

Editorial: Cultural outskirts in global cities - Author: Dr. Adrian Majuru (English)

The emergence of the urban – occurring around 6000 years ago in several parts of the world, coming to life not suddenly, but gradually – represented a major transformation in the history of mankind. Everything that works towards the becoming of Man, meaning unceasing anthropogenesis, constitutes the subject of anthropology. The process of urbanisation has also been called urban revolution. It is not defined only through the population growth within communities, by the density of the communities, but also through other kinds of inter-human relations and alternative relations with the environment. Urban spaces support a well-oiled production of goods, at firs manufactured, and later industrially produced. Within these spaces organised markets are set up, and the capacity to sustain a war appears. All these factors led to the gradual emergence of a managerial class, to the birth of an elite. These processes, institutions, and new population categories that begin to appear and diversify, will continue to evolve, coming to form all the layers of today’s society. In other words, social relations represent the force behind the process of urbanisation. What may we come across in urban environments that would explain this very significant growth, development, both material and spiritual diversification, constantly surpassing itself, which cannot be found in rural spaces, where there is no comparable growth or development? The answer is simple, yet generates a number of significations: An intensifying of inter-human communication, an enrichment, a diversification, sometimes even a refinement, of the quality of communication. Inter-human communication is the key. When we say inter-human communication we mean inter-human contact, both direct and indirect. A person living in an urban environment will have more and more communicative contacts with every passing day – they will jade something to say or hear, directly, face-to-face, or indirectly, through electronic or technologic devices, from and with fellow human beings. Aside from the spread of mobile and internet networks, the facilitation of travelling thanks to the evolution of means of transportation also contributes significantly to inter-human communication, with the conditions of population density growth and of the increased melting-pot of urban centres. Competition rules in urban environments, life is tense. Everyone is rushing. This results in an increase of aggressive behaviour for each individual, becoming perhaps an indispensable component of each individual’s behaviour. Aggression leads to violence. There are very rapid changes in tastes, way of life, expression. People tend to imitate one another, and follow the ways of life presented by the media. New habits emerge and are popular for a while until being replaced by others. As in fashion. Trends that do not really follow any moral or health-related perceptions. This explains the rise of psycho-somatic pathology. The consequences cannot be entirely foreseen. The rhythm of change is very accentuated. There are constant changes in the areas of sexuality, of nutrition, of leisure activities, of individual physical activities. Physical effort is rarer and rarer. All these elements have a major anthropological significance. The changes appear systematically, sometimes emergently, and their effects demand a rapid adaptation to the new situations created. In only ten years mankind will feel the effects of today’s market trends. Once the pleasure of food was discovered, of culinary refinement, the most important act of maintaining life – the act of eating – began to generate a specific pathology. Nowadays it has led to a pandemic of obesity, vascular diseases and heart conditions etc. The same happened in the case of sexuality. Meant by nature to ensure the continuity of the species, sexuality also becomes a significant source of pleasure for human kind. Today it is difficult to pinpoint what is considered more of a priority, the insurance of our species’ survival or the obtaining of pleasure. Taken on by human nature (that tends to drift further and further away from nature), sexuality nowadays is evolving in almost unimaginable directions, and its process of metamorphosis, from an act of reproduction to an act of pleasure has not yet come to a close. No barriers of control, be they moral (religious concepts, social) or biological (the apparition of syphilis five centuries ago, or of HIV in more recent years), have managed to influence in any shape or form the view of sexuality as a main source of pleasure. We also point out another major theme for our magazine: the attitude towards health and disease, our preoccupation with preserving our health and well-being as a reaction to sickness. Time and space have always represented great challenges for Man.

Humankind has made significant, ceaseless efforts to try and control both time and space. Time and space have always represented great challenges for Man. Humankind has made significant, ceaseless efforts to try and control both time and space.What there is to be done with saved time, what has been gained from the fact that to go from point A to point B a person has spent only one hour instead of two, is unknown. We would err in stating that nothing has been achieved, that the time gained has been wasted. A main factor of urbanity that deserves to be brought to attention is the high population density – the crowding. Indeed crowding has an impact over growth and development and tends to lead to early sexualisation, for both girls (the early triggering of menstruation) and boys. Each such event has consequences, felt in different aspects of life. The effects unravel like dominoes, and anthropological research is meant to point out the mechanisms behind these changes and effects, that have anthropological significance and value. The influences and role of crowding and high population density in human evolution are discussed. Behaviour and mentality. Excess and progress. Civilisation and the habitat projected for comfort, and the modification of behavioural patterns and mentalities. The lack of nature, replaced by apartment plants and pets. Urban stimuli: people of all kinds, varied levels of communication quality, different types of interactions. Thusly, in the contemporary city, which develops at a staggering rate, cultural outskirts also begin to form in a never before seen variety. They are not necessarily ethnical or confessional, but mostly ethologic or professional. Andrada Ivan broaches the subject of the constant nature of these phenomena in her study Diversity, conflict and culture in Urban Anthropology. Furthermore, Alexandru Chirița’s study titled Shared space – a new (re)organisation of public spaces and the city, touches on one of the new elements of this phenomenon of diversity in a global city. The themed file “Cultural outskirts in global cities” focused its attention on the 19th century’s periphery cultures – Latin America, Northern Africa, and the Far East – in order to expose the reality of these huge pressures, which developed in these regions and headed in the opposite direction, towards Western culture. Bianca Buzdugan published the study The process of urbanisation in the megacity of Tokyo, describing a phenomenon that is still unravelling. Bogdan Petec, through his study Urban space as perceived by the modern Japanese community, is the mirrored image of the changes that begin from within only to extend and shape the external world. In regards to the same cultural area, Constantinescu Andreea develops details pertaining to the changes collectively undergone by very large demographic structures over the course of a single generation, within the context of a rapid urban development accelerated by the rise of technology. The study Population transformations in megacities. Case study: Tokyo is an example illustrating of the aforementioned statement. On the more conservative area of the Near East we have the study written by Sadieh Abdella, regarding the structural modelling of certain tribal identities within the context of the United Arab Emirates’ urban development. Sadieh presents this reality in the study Anthropology tribe in the UAE. The issue of Urban Anthropology. Emanuel Vilcea Precup focuses on the areas next to the Near East, exhibiting an interest in North-East Africa through his work The Identity of an informal community – a human technology in Cairo. Here, the balance between the tribal and the technologic is rather fragile. Balasz Silviu points us towards the outskirts of the great Brazilian metropolises with the help of his very elaborate study titled Favelas – a special community. It presents a very well-documented and up-to-date debate on the social, demographic, and cultural dimension of outskirts that are difficult to explore. Breaz Ioana follows with a case study on a professionally organized and monitored phenomenon in the area of Rio de Janeiro: The effects of population relocation along a BRT transportation corridor. The global city, the metropolis of demographic ramifications and increasingly varied professional structures feeds a diversity newly tied to the continuous remodelling of living spaces, but also a socio-professional restructuring of young generations, as they progress towards adulthood. With each passing day a new world is being created in front of our eyes, almost entirely similar and synchronous on all cultural echelons of our world.

Dr. Adrian Majuru

Editorial: Périphéries culturelles dans les villes mondiales - Auteur: Dr. Adrian Majuru (Francais)

L’émergence de l’urbain – survenant il y a environ 6000 ans dans plusieurs régions du monde, pas soudainement, mais peu à peu – a représenté une transformation majeure dans l’histoire de l’humanité. Tout ce qui contribue au « devenir » de l’homme, ce qui signifie anthropogenèse incessante, constitue le sujet de l’anthropologie. Le processus d’urbanisation a aussi été appelée « révolution urbaine ». Ce processus ne se définit pas seulement par la croissance de la population au sein des communautés, ou par la densité de population des communautés, mais aussi par d’autres types de relations interhumaines et des relations alternatives avec l’environnement. Les espaces urbains soutiennent une production bien huilée des marchandises, fabriqués manuellement, et plus tard produits industriellement en masse. Au sein de ces espaces urbains des marchés organisés ont été mis en place, et la capacité de soutenir une guerre apparaît. Tous ces facteurs ont conduit à l’émergence progressive d’une classe de gestion – à la naissance d’une élite. Ces processus, les institutions afférentes, et les nouvelles catégories de population qui avaient commencé à apparaître et à se diversifier, continueront d’évoluer, et finiront par former toutes les couches de la société d’aujourd’hui. En effet, les relations sociales représentent la force qui anime le processus d’urbanisation. Que pouvons-nous rencontrer dans des environnements urbains qui pourrait expliquer cette croissance très significative, ce développement et cette diversification, à la fois matérielle et spirituelle, qui se surpasse constamment, qui ne peut pas être trouvée dans les espaces ruraux, où il n’y a pas de croissance ou de développement comparable? La réponse est simple, mais génère un certain nombre de significations: Une intensification de la communication interhumaine, un enrichissement, une diversification, parfois même un raffinement, de la qualité de la communication. La communication interhumaine est clé. Quand nous utilisons le terme de communication interhumaine, nous entendons un contact interhumain, à la fois direct et indirect. Une personne vivant dans un environnement urbain aura de plus en plus de contacts communication chaque jour – cette personne aura quelque chose à dire ou entendre, directement, face à face, ou indirectement, par l’intermède des dispositifs électroniques ou technologiques, avec d’autres personnes dans son environnement. Mis à part l’extension des réseaux mobiles et d’Internet, la facilitation du déplacement grâce à l’évolution des moyens de transport contribue également de manière significative à la communication interhumaine, dans les conditions d’une croissance de la densité de population ainsi que l’évolution du melting-pot des centres urbains. Les milieux urbains encouragent l’esprit de concurrence – la vie urbaine est tendue. Tout le monde se précipite. Cela se traduit par une croissance des comportements agressifs dans le cas de chaque individu, devenant peut-être un élément indispensable du comportement de chaque membre de l’environnement urbain. L’agression conduit à la violence. Il y a des changements très rapides en ce qui concerne les goûts, le mode de vie, l’expression. Les gens ont tendance à imiter les uns les autres, et de suivre les modes de vie présentés par les médias. De nouvelles habitudes émergent et sont populaires pendant un certain temps, avant d’être remplacés par d’autres. Comme dans le domaine de la mode. Des tendances qui ne suivent pas vraiment des perceptions morales ou liées à la santé. Ceci explique la montée de la pathologie psychosomatique. Les conséquences ne peuvent pas être entièrement prévues. Le rythme du changement est très accentué. Il y a des changements constants dans les domaines de la sexualité, de la nutrition, des activités de loisirs, d’activités physiques individuelles. L’effort physique est de plus en plus rare. Tous ces éléments ont une signification anthropologique majeure. Les modifications apparaissent systématiquement, parfois en régime d’urgence, et leurs effets exigent une adaptation rapide aux nouvelles situations créées. En seulement dix ans l’humanité sentira les effets des tendances actuelles du marché. Une fois le plaisir de la nourriture ayant été découvert, le raffinement culinaire, l’acte le plus important pour le maintien de la vie – l’acte de manger – a commencé à générer une pathologie spécifique. Aujourd’hui, il a conduit à une pandémie de l’obésité, de maladies vasculaires et de maladies cardiaques etc. La même chose est arrivée dans le cas de la sexualité. Conçu par la nature pour assurer la continuité de l’espèce, la sexualité devient également une source importante de plaisir pour l’espèce humaine. Aujourd’hui, il est difficile de déterminer ce qui est considéré comme étant prioritaire : l’assurance de la continuité de notre espèce ou l’obtention du plaisir. Emportée par la nature humaine (qui tend à s’éloigner de plus en plus de la nature), la sexualité de nos jours évolue dans des directions presque inimaginables, et son processus de métamorphose, d’un acte de reproduction à un acte de plaisir, n’a pas encore fini. Aucune barrière de contrôle, qu’elle soit morale (liée aux concepts religieux, sociaux) ou biologique (l’apparition de la syphilis il y a cinq siècles, ou du VIH plus récemment), ont réussi à influencer ou former la vision de la sexualité en tant que principale source de plaisir. Nous rappelons également un autre thème majeur pour notre magazine: l’attitude envers la santé et la maladie, notre souci de préserver notre santé et notre bien-être comme réaction à la maladie.

Le temps et l’espace ont toujours représenté des grands défis pour l’homme. L’humanité a constamment fait d’importants efforts pour essayer de contrôler le temps et l’espace. Ce qu’il y a à faire avec le temps économisé, ce qui a été gagné par le fait que, en allant du point A au point B une personne a passé seulement une heure au lieu de deux heures, est inconnu. Nous nous tromperons en affirmant que rien n’a été réalisé, que le temps gagné a été gaspillé. Un facteur principal de l’urbanité qui mérite d’être porté à l’attention est la forte densité de population – l’encombrement. En effet le surpeuplement a un impact sur la croissance et le développement et tend à conduire à la sexualisation précoce, pour les filles (le déclenchement précoce de la menstruation) et les garçons. Chaque tel événement a des conséquences, ressenties dans les différents aspects de la vie. Les effets surviennent comme des dominos, et la recherche anthropologique a comme rôle de souligner les mécanismes à l’origine de ces changements ainsi que leurs effets, qui ont une signification anthropologique valeureuse. Les influences et le rôle de l’encombrement et de la densité de population dans l’évolution de l’espèce humaine seront discutées. Le comportement et la mentalité. L’excès et le progrès. La civilisation et l’habitat projeté pour le confort, et la modification des habitudes comportementales et de la mentalités. Il y a une manque de Nature – remplacée par des plantes d’appartement et des animaux domestiques. Des stimuli urbains: les gens de toutes sortes, des niveaux variés de qualité de la communication, les différents types d’interactions. Ainsi, dans la ville contemporaine, qui se développe à un rythme effarant, les banlieues culturelles commencent également à se former avec une variété incroyable. Ces périphéries ne sont pas nécessairement ethniques ou confessionnelles, mai,s la plupart du temps, éthologiques ou professionnelles. Andrada Ivan aborde le sujet de la nature constante de ces phénomènes dans son étude « La diversité, conflits et culture dans l’anthropologie urbaine ». Ceci est suivi par l’étude intitulée « Espace partagé – une nouvelle (re)organisation de l’espace public », de Alexandru Chirita – qui parle des nouveaux éléments impliqués dans ce phénomène de la diversité dans une ville mondiale. Le dossier sur le thème « Les périphéries culturelles dans les villes mondiales » se concentre sur la périphérie des cultures du 19ème siècle – Amérique latine, Afrique du Nord et l’Extrême-Orient – afin d’exposer la réalité de ces énormes pressions, qui a influencé le développement de ces régions et les a dirigé dans la direction opposée, vers la culture occidentale. Bianca Buzdugan a publié l’étude « Le processus d’urbanisation dans la mégapole de Tokyo », décrivant un phénomène qui est encore en train de se passer. Bogdan Petec, à travers son étude « L’espace urbain tel qu’il est perçu par la communauté japonaise moderne », est l’image en miroir des changements qui commencent de l’intérieur et finissent par façonner le monde extérieur. En ce qui concerne la même zone culturelle, Constantinescu Andreea développe les détails concernant les changements collectivement subis par de très grandes structures démographiques au cours d’une seule génération, dans le cadre d’un développement urbain rapide, accéléré par l’évolution de la technologie. L’étude « Les transformations de la population dans les mégapoles. Etude de cas: Tokyo » est un exemple illustrant ce qui a été mentionnée ci-dessus. Sur la zone la plus conservatrice du Proche-Orient, nous avons l’étude écrite par Sadieh Abdella, en ce qui concerne la modélisation structurelle de certaines identités tribales dans le contexte du développement urbain des Émirats Arabes Unis. Sadieh présente cette réalité dans son etude « La tribu dans l’anthropologie des EAU. La question de l’anthropologie urbaine ». Emanuel Vilcea Precup se concentre sur les zones à côté du Proche-Orient, présentant un intérêt pour l’Afrique du Nord-Est à travers son travail « L’identité d’une communauté informelle – une technologie humaine au Caire ». Ici, l’équilibre entre la tribu et la technologie est assez fragile. Balasz Silviu nous pointe vers la périphérie des grandes métropoles brésiliennes à l’aide de son étude très élaboré « Les favelas – une communauté appart ».Nous avons dans ce cas un débat tres bien documenté, mis-a-jour, qui se concentre sur la dimension sociodémographique et culturelle de ces périphéries difficiles a explorer. Breaz Ioana vient avec une étude de cas sur un phénomène professionnellement organisé et contrôlé dans la région de Rio de Janeiro: « Les effets de la délocalisation de la population le long d’un corridor de transport BRT ». La ville mondiale, la métropole des ramifications démographiques et des structures professionnelles de plus en plus variées, alimente une nouvelle diversité, liée à la rénovation continue des espaces de vie, mais aussi à une restructuration socioprofessionnelle des jeunes générations, à mesure qu’ils progressent vers l’âge adulte. Avec chaque jour qui passe un monde nouveau est créé en face de nos yeux, presque tout à fait similaire et synchrone sur tous les échelons culturels de notre monde.

Dr. Adrian Majuru

Leitartikel: Kulturelle Peripherien in globalen Städten - Autor: Dr. Adrian Majuru

Das allmähliche Erscheinen des städtischen Lebens vor ungefähr 6000 Jahren an verschiedenen Orten der Welt bedeutete eine wichtige Veränderung in der Geschichte der Menschheit. Alles was der Menschheit dient, also die ununterbrochene Anthropogenese, betrifft die Anthropologie. Die Urbanisierung nannte man auch die städtische Revolution. Sie bestimmt sich nicht nur durch den Bevölkerungszuwachs der Gemeinschaft, die Dichte dieser Gemeinschaften, sondern auch durch zwischenmenschlichen Beziehungen und Beziehungen zur Umwelt. Die Stadt wird von einer nachthaltigen Güterproduktion geprägt. Am Anfang wurden diese Güter durch Handarbeit gefertigt, danach aber in Industrien. Im städtischen Millieu werden organisierte Märkte gegründet, hier entsteht auch die Möglichkeit, einen Krieg auszutragen usw. ; alle diese Faktoren führten zum Erscheinen einer Managerklasse, einer Elite. Diese Prozesse, diese Institutionen und die neuen menschlichen Kategorien, die auftauchen und sich diversifizieren, entwickeln sich und tragen zur Entstehung der heutigen Gesellschaftsschichten bei. Anders gesagt, sind die gesellschaftlichen Beziehungen jene Kraft, die den Urbanisierungsprozess auskristallisiert hat. Welchen Grund gibt es in dem städtischen Millieu für diesen starken Wachstum, für die Entwicklung, für die materielle und spirituelle Diversifizierungen, die sich ständig selbst überholen, im Gegensatz zum Ruralen, wo wir keinen ähnlichen Wachstum und Entwicklung finden? Die Antwort ist einfach aber zugleich ein Bedeutungsträger: Die Intensivierung der zwischenmenschlichen Kommunikation, eine Bereicherung, eine Diversifizierung, manchmal Raffinierung der Kommunikationsqualität. Die zwischenmenschliche Kommuikation ist die Antwort. Unter zwischenmenschliche Kommunikation verstehen wir direkte oder indirekte Kontakte. Ein Mensch, der im städtischen Millieu lebt, wird jeden Tag mehrere kommunzierende Kontakte haben, wird etwas zu sagen und zu hören haben, direkt oder indirekt, auf elektronischem Weg, von und mit seinen Mitmenschen. Dazu trägt auch die Verbreitung der Mobiltelefonie und die Evolution des Internets, die Erleichterung der Reisen durch die Verbesserung der Reisebedingungen, im Rahmen des Wachstums der Bevölkerungsdichte und der Vermischung der Bevölkerung in den städtischen Zentren. Das städtische Milieu wird von Konkurrenz geprägt, man lebt in einem Zustand der Spannung. Alle beeilen sich. Eine Konsequenz dafür ist die Steigerung der Aggresivität des Individuums. Dieser Charakterzug wird zu einem sine qua non Faktor im Benehmen jedes Individuums. Die Agressivität führt zur Gewalt. Die Geschmäcke, der Lebensstil und die Ausdrucksweisen ändern sich schnell. Die Menschen haben die Tendenz, den anderen nachzuahmen, sie richten sich nach den Lebensmodellen, die die Presse und der Fernseherrundfunk anbieten. So erscheinen neue Bräuche, die sich eine Zeit durchsetzen, um danach von anderen ersetzt zu werden. So steht es auch mit der Mode. Die neu erschienenen Bräuche nehmen keine Rücksicht auf Moral oder Gesundheit. Daher auch die Zunahme der psychosomatischen Patologie. Die Folgen davon können nicht gänzlich vorausgesehen werden. Der Veränderungsrhytmus ist sehr beschleunigt. Änderungen gibt es auf der Ebene der Sexualität, der Ernährung, des Zeitvertreibs, des Sportss. Das Invidiuum bewegt sich immer weniger. Alle diese Sachen habe eine sehr große anthropologische Relevanz. Die Änderungen finden systemisch statt, manchmal unverzüglich. Die Auswirkungen zwingen zu einer schnellen Anpassung zu den neuen Situationen. Die Folgen aller neuen Erfindungen, die jetzt auf dem Markt erscheinen, werden in zehn Jahren spührbar sein. Durch die Entdeckung der Freude an Essen und des kulinarischen Raffinements, ist die Ernährung aus einem lebenserhaltenden Akt zu einem Krankheitsgenerator geworden. Aus dieser Tatsache erfolgt eine spezifische Pandemie: Fettsucht, Herzerkrankungen, Gefäßerkrankungen usw. Genauso steht es auch mit der Sexualität. Von Natur her hat sie als Ziel die Fortpflanzung der Spezies. Beim Menschen aber wurde die Sexualität zur wichtigsten Vergnügungsquelle. Heute ist es schwer nachzuvollziehen, was wichtiger ist, die Spezies fortzupflanzen oder das Vergnügen. Von der menschlichen Natur übernommen (der Mensch versucht sich immer von der Natur zu entfernen), entwickelt sich die Sexualität weiter, auf unvorstellbaren Weisen. Der Prozess der Verwandlung aus einem Fortpflanzungsakt in einem Vergügungsakt ist nicht zu Ende. Es gibt keine Kontrollkriterien, die die Sexualität als wichtigste Vergnügungsquelle beeinflussen konnten, seien sie moralischer (religiöse oder soziale Regelungen) oder biologischer Natur (das Erscheinen des Syphilis vor fünf Jahrhunderten und der AIDS-Krankheit heute). Wir machen den Leser auf ein anderes wichtiges Thema aus unserer Zeitschrift aufmerksam: Das Verhalten gegenüber der Gesundheit und Krankheit, die Sorge um die Bewahrung der Gesundheit, als Antwort auf die Krankheit.

Zeit und Raum waren immer die größten Herausforderungen des Menschen. Er hat sich immer die Mühe gegeben, Zeit und Raum zu beherrschen. Wozu hat er die Zeit gebraucht, wenn er anstatt zwei Stunden für die Zurücklegung eine Strecke nur eine Stunde gebraucht hat ? Wer weiß ? Wir würden uns aber irren, wenn wir sagen würden, er hat die gewonne Zeit verschwendet. Ein Hauptfaktor des Urbanen, der besprochen werden sollte, ist die große Bevölkerungsdichte, die Menschenmenge. Diese Menschenmenge beeinflusst die Entwicklung und das Wachstum, führt zu einer frühen Sexualisierung der Mädchen (die immer frühere Menarche), aber auch der Jungen. Diese Tatsachen beeinflussen andere Lebensbereiche und die Folgen sind dominoartig. Die anthropologische Forschung soll diese Mechanismen, die einen anthropologischen Wert haben, aufdecken. Die Einflüsse, die von den Menschenmengen gespielten Rollen, wie auch die städtische Dichte werden in Betracht genommen, insofern sie die menschliche Entwicklung beeinflussen. Exzesse und Progresse. Die Zivilisation und der Lebensraum, der für den Komfort und für die Veränderung der Verhaltensweisen und Mentalitäten projektiert wurde. Der Mangel an Natur wird durch Hauspflanzen und Haustiere ausgeglichen. Städtische Anreize: alle Arten von Menschen, verschiedene Qualität, vielfältige Beziehungen. Auf diese Weise, in der zeitgenössichen Stadt, entwickeln sich sehr schnell unglaublich vielfältige kulturelle Perpherien. Diese sind nicht unbeding ethnischer oder konfesioneller Natur sondern ethologischer und profesioneller Art. Über die Konstante dieses Phänomens spricht Andrada Ivan in ihrem Studium „Vielfalt, Konflikt und Kultur in der Urbanen Anthropologie”. Chriţa studiert ein neues Element des Vielfaltphänomens in der globalen Stadt: „Shared Space – eine neue (Re)organisation des öffentlichen Raumes der Stadt.” Das Themendossier „Kulturelle Peripherien in globalen Städten” berücksichtigt die alten peripherischen Kulturen des 19. Jahrhundert in Lateinamerika, Nordafrika, und dem Fernosten. Das Studium bringt in Vordergrund die Realität eines enormen Drucks, der sich in dieser Region entwickelte, und der sich gegen die westliche Kultur richtete. Bianca Buzdugan veröffentlicht ihren Artikel “Der Urbanisierungsprozess in der Megastadt Tokyo”, indem sie die gegenwärtigen Phänomenen beschreibt. Bogdan Petrec, beschäftigt sich in dem Studium “Der städtische Raum in der Weltanschauung der heutigen japanischen Gemeinschaft” mit der Widerspiegelung der Veränderungen, die aus dem Inneren, nach Außen wirken. Bezüglich der gleichen Kulturzone, veranschaulicht Contantinescu Andreea Details der kollektiven Erlebnisse einer einzigen Generation durch die Veränderungen der sehr großen demographischen Strukturen im Rahmen einer steigenden städtischen Geschwindigkeit in Bezug auf die Evolution der Technologie. Der Artikel “Die Wandlung des Volkes in den Megastädten. Fallstudie: Tokyo” ist ein Bespiel in dieser Richtung. Für die konservative Zone des Nahostens haben wir das Studium der Sadieh Abdella, zum Thema strukturelle Modellierung einiger Stammidentitäten innerhalb der städtischen Entwicklungstendenz der Vereinigten Arabischen Staaten. Sadieh präsentiert diese Realität in “Anthropology tribe in the UAE. The issue of Urban Anthropology.” Emanuel Vilcea Precup beschäftigt sich mit Nordafrika in seinem Artikel “Die Identität einer informalen Gemeinde- eine menschliche Technologie in Kairo”. Hier ist das Gleichgewicht zwischen Volksstamm und Technologie als sehr zerbrechlich dargestellt. Balasz Silviu führt uns zu den Peripherien der großen brasilianischen Metropolen durch sein sehr ausführliches Studium “Die Favela – eine außerordentliche Gemeinschaft”. Hier haben wir eine dokumentierte Debatte, was die soziodemographische und kulturelle Dimension einiger schwer erforschbaren Peripherien betrifft. Breaz Ioana präsentiert die Fallstudie eines professionell organisierten und beobachteten Phänomens für die Rio de Janeiro Zone: Die Auswirkungen der Bevölkerungsverlagerung entlang eines BRT Transportkorridors. Die globale Stadt, die demographischen Verzweigungen und die verschiedenartigen professionellen Strukturen der Metropole, ernähren eine Vielfalt, die in Zusammenhang mit der ununterbrochenen Umgestaltung des bewohnten Raumes aber auch mit der sozioprofessionellen Umstrukturierung der neuen Generationen im Erwachsenwerden-Prozess, gebracht werden kann. Eine neue Welt entwickelt sich täglich vor unseren Augen, diese Welt ist aber fast gleich und synchron auf allen kulturellen Ebenen unserer Welt wiederzufinden.

Dr. Adrian Majuru

Diversitate, conflict și cultură în antropologia globală - Autor: Andrada M. Ivan


In the context of cultural globalization, the historical privilege of contemporary anthropology is the transition between a world of isolated civilizations based on different periods and places and a unique world defined, to a large extent, by the same space and time. Globalization is promoted through cultural synchronization, but the importance of local context over the life of a community is reduced – due to both expansion and development of global communication networks, as well as the progress of production and exchange systems. The paper provides the interpretation and understanding of several distinctive features associated with the present anthropological processes that are carried out at a global scale, together with concepts and suggestions about the cultural diversity and conflicts from ancient times until the present. Therefore, it is worth noting that both unification tendencies and the existing fragmentation ones must be understood in a straightforward relation to global anthropology.

Keywords: cultural globalization, human culture, global anthropology, cultural/social transition, evolution.

Andrada M. Ivan

Universitatea de Arhitectură și Urbanism ION MINCU, București

Master: Proiectare urbană

Rețeta favelei accesibile și sustenabile Îmbunătățirea vieții în favelă și păstrarea identității originale a acesteia - Autor: Urbanist Silviu-Iulian Balazs


The study in question focuses on the domain of living in mega city Rio de Janeiro Brazil, it contains information about the history of the city over the last four hundred years. Also presented housing types, their characteristics and the types of homes that are in this mega city. And in the second part of this study, the influence of people over house ambiance and also the various government measures designed to improve the situation in informal living and improve the living quality of city population.

Key words: house life; relocation; redefinition; better life

Procesul de urbanizare în megaorașul Tokyo O perspectivă istorică şi culturală - Autor: Arh. Bianca BUZDUGAN


Lucrarea de față identifică o serie de fenomene și elemente urbane care au participat și participă la procesul de urbanizare a megaorașului Tokyo. Acesta se bazează inclusiv pe acceptarea supratehnologiei ca formă de design urban, care are ca scop susținerea și legarea nodurilor de densitate urbană. Astfel prin introducerea unui sistem de căi ferate supratehnologizate, care susțin mobilitatea și accesibilitatea în teritoriu, este schimbată fundamental dimensiunea spaţiu – timp. Viața de zi cu zi a locuitorilor, este marcată în primul rând de traseele lungi care trebuie parcurse zilnic în megaoraș de trei sferturi din populaţie, în mişcarea casă – loc de activitate/de muncă – casă.

Cuvinte cheie: megaoraș, proces de urbanizare, sistem de căi ferate, peisaj cultural, mobilitate.


This paper identifies a number of phenomena and urban elements that have participated in the process of urbanization of Tokyo Megacity. The megacity relies on super technology and accepts it as a form of urban design, which aims to support and link high density urban hubs. Thus by introducing a system of super technological railway system, supporting mobility and accessibility in the territory, it is fundamentally changed the size of the notion space – time. Daily life of the inhabitants is marked primarily, by long routes to be taken daily in the megacity by three quarters of the population in the movement process house  –  place of business/ activity/ job  – house.

Keywords: megacity, urbanization process, railway system, cultural landscape, mobility.

Masterand: Arh. Bianca BUZDUGAN


Spaţiul urban în percepţia comunităţii japoneze moderne - Autor: Petrec Bogdan


In a modern society, where the main elements of the city tend to expand increasingly more on technology, we are dealing with an alteration of traditional values. Tokyo, the mega-city with the largest stretch in the world, is the most obvious example where such changes may be obseved. From people’s perception of space to community involvement in changing the city to its base, Tokyo is distinguished by its ability in making this change possible. Technology taken to the extreme, manages to separate both the city, by new emerging spaces, and also actual values from values of the past.

Key words:  society, technology, infrastructure, public space, community space

Efectele relocării populației de-a lungul unui coridor de transport BRT - Autor: Ioana Breaz


The city of Rio de Janeiro is undergoing some major transformations regarding transport infrastructure, all due to the mergent need of sustaining a considerable amount of new users during the Olympic Games in 2016. The current paper aims to analyse the causes and implications involved in implementing a Bus Rapid Transit System in the structure of a megacity, with focus on the implications regarding the large amount of people that need to be relocated. Moreover, it aims to evaluate the system in its core, its efficiency and capacity, in order to decide where it can be placed on an evolution scale, how close it is to the desired technological maturity and what are the implications on its users.

Cuvinte Cheie: Infrastructură, Accesibilitate, Bus Rapid Transit, Trafic, Tranzit, Transport.

Ioana Breaz

Urbanist, Studentă Master Proiectare Urbană

Universitatea de Arhitectură și Urbanism Ion Mincu

Shared Space - o nouă (re)organizare a spațiului public și al orașului - Autor: Alexandru Chiriță


The objective of this paper is to identify new directions for implementation/designing public spaces in major European cities, by treating problems of motorized transport and also the poor quality of public spaces. In order to do these, were implemented a series of rules aimed at mitigating the negative effects of mild facing large public spaces. To understand this principle of Shared Space (a new approach of public space) a comparison was made between important areas of big cities that have implemented this system, by using statistical data on the result before and after implementation. Cities in Europe have developed chaotically, leading to increasing number of vehicles and thus to reconfigure the networks of streets at the expense of public space. This is having a negative psychological impact on people by reducing public safety and reduce their surface spaces. This paper presents a relatively new concept, by implementing design concepts in important areas of a city (historical center), containing both urban and transport functions. This is a solution whereby urban planning scheme to encourage alternative transport and remodeling public spaces without being restricted motorized transport mode.

Key words: alternative transporting, urban designe, reconfiguration, safety

Alexandru Chiriță

MA student, Universitatea de Arhitectură și Urbanism ”Ion Mincu”,

Facultatea de Urbanism, Master Peisaj și Teritoriu,

București, e-mail: chiriţ

Transformările populației în megaorașe Studiu de caz: Tokyo - Autor: Andreea Constantinescu


The accelerated urbanization process represented worldwide resulted in the emergence of overcrowded people areas of megacities. These new urban forms go through change processes that modify social relationships within them and their dynamics. This evolution is better represented in Tokyo, the oldest megacity, where the human dynamics gradually evolved and changed the definition of social and family relationships and the community relations between Japanese and foreigners.

Keywords: megacity, Tokyo, dwelling, history, externalization, internalizing

Andreea Constantinescu

Masterandă, Facultatea de Urbanism, Universitatea de Arhitectură și Urbanism „Ion Mincu”,


Anthropology tribe in the UAE. The issue key of urban anthropolgy - Author: Sadieh Abdalla

The native population of the UAE is overwhelmingly Arab. Generally a different tribe dominates each emirate. About two-thirds of the UAE’s non-native populations are Asians (largely Indians, Pakistanis, Sri Lankans, Bangladeshis, and Filipinos), and the other third are Iranians or Arabs (primarily Jordanians, Palestinians, and Egyptians), westren population from (USA, UK, Austria, Hungary, Switzerland)also having. Although the huge population share of expatriates has caused some concern % of populations and likely to increase the level of tensions between the various ethnic communities is slight, Standards for public conduct are high.

Sadieh Abdalla

Master Student at („Ion Mincu” University of Architecture and Urbanism, Urbanism),

Identitatea unei comunități informale – o tehnologie umană în Cairo - Autor: Emanuel VÂLCEA-PRECUP


Orașele din ziua de astăzi sunt din ce în ce mai complexe devenind organisme vii care se dezvoltă într-un mod mai mult sau mai puțin controlat. Aceste orașe se transformă cu timpul în megaorașe. O provocare, dar în același timp o problemă în acest tip de orașe este reprezentată de managementul deșeurilor produse de masele excesive de populație ce trăiesc în aceste conurbații. În orașul Cairo, o comunitate informală, a cărei locuitori se numesc zabbaleens (fermieri creștini din sudul Egiptului ce au migrat în Cairo în anul 1940), au transformat din ceea ce alții au văzut o problemă legată de managementul deșeurilor într-o oportunitate pentru comunitatea lor. Astfel, au devenit serviciul informal de management al deșeurilor, ocupându-se de colectarea, sortarea și reciclarea acestora, acest lucru transformându-se într-un un mod de viață. Comunitatea este caracterizată de cantitatea impresionantă de reciclare ce ajunge la un procent de 80%, pentru acest lucru primind recunoaștere mondială.

Zabbaleen în traducerea literară din limba arabă egipteană înseamnă oamenii gunoaielor. Utilizarea contemporană a cuvântului face referire la colectori. Zabbaleen (singular: zabbal) sunt de asemenea cunoscuți ca și Zarraba (singular: zarrab) ce se traduce ca fiind crescători de porci. Această populație a dat naștere unui concept clar exprimat prin crearea unei formule de tehnologie umană (denumire autor) caracterizată prin aspecte legate de eficiență, flexibilitate, capacitate și creativitate, fiind un organsim viu ce răspunde factorilor și provocărilor externe, având capacitatea de transformare/schimbare în diverse forme în funcție de context .

Cuvinte cheie: informal, comunitate, managementul deşeurilor, reciclare, zabbaleen


Student, Universitatea de Arhitectură și Urbanism, Master Proiectare Urbană,


Progresul tehnologic și spațiul public urban - Autor: Petrec Bogdan

Cities have changed quite a lot during the past few decades and a major reason behind this change is the progress humanity has made in technology. We’ve moved long past the industrial age and entered a new age, the Information Age, which marks an important feat in our lives. It is a time when portable and digital devices such as laptops, Smartphones or IPods play an important role in our lives and modify our relationship to the exterior world. But, we cannot imagine nowadays a time without them and their influence has spread worldwide in record time. Our relationship to the surrounding urban space has changed in a way that is still difficult to define. The limits between public and private space have mutated and cyberspace was born. We live in this cyberspace daily and we’re almost prone to ignore what is around us. Smartphones have either created bubbles of isolation and privacy or have brought us closer than ever by means of fast communication and access to information.

In this paper, the evolution of the urban public space is explored along with the relationship humans have had with it. Technological progress has modified the way we perceive the physical space in which we live and spend our time, and the Information Age meant a drastic change of the urban space. Public space, the most common site of social contact and interaction, has been through a radical process which saw either an increasing or a decreasing role in our lives. Human behavior, strongly influenced by progress, affects our urban space and creates new boundaries which can affect city living. The more technology progresses, the more intelligent  solutions are needed in order for the city to evolve in a positive way and to not affect the quality of our urban spaces. Because of this, it is necessary to study the impact that digital technology has over us and figure out means we can apply in order to create and develop a more lively public space.

Keywords: urban spaces, public spaces, technology, digital devices, public behavior

Petrec Bogdan

Universitatea de Arhitectură Ion Mincu

Master de proiectare Urbană – an II

Sărbătorirea și sărbătoarea Crăciunului în perioada comunistă – analiza istorico-antropologică Alina - Autor: Elena Dublea

Abstract: The article adresses to the winter’s holidays and Christmas Holiday theme. Christmas in the communist period, in which the power of the state changes concepts and principles in all of societies’ areas. And so, the concepts of holidays and the holidays themselves partially change the way they acted and celebration among people, regardless of if they lived in the urban or country side. And so public holidays in the communist period are considered acts of socio-political ritualized, which dominated the public space and reproduced images of the collective memory.

Keywords: communism, lifestyle, culture, Christmas, winter celebrations


Locuirea în orașul postsocialist Chișinău - Autor: Pluta ELVIRA

The study presents the effects that the socialist regime had on urban development. The post-socialist city, Chisinau, is presented as a city that is struggling to maintain its identity in the new capitalist regime and also through the perspective of a socio-cultural world that still bases its values on the old mentality. The aspects of living in Chisinau are exposed in a direct manner, presenting a sincere opinion about this matter.

Key words: locuire, structură, omogenitate, gri, urban.


Master Proiectare Urbană


Spațiul public ca resursă a regenerării în așezările informale


Studiul de față abordează problematica așezărilor informale din perspectiva spațiilor publice care se regăsesc în mijlocul acestora, fie că este vorba de spații publice apărute spontan, la fel ca și zonele construite în sine, fie că este vorba de experimentele de planificare urbană desfășurate în ultimii ani. Spațiul public este, în sensul prezentului studiu, spațiul situat la limita dintre ce poate fi considerat urbanism informal, fiind un ecou al orașului formal care se manifestă în așezarea spontană. Spațiul public este produsul unor grupuri sociale care se confruntă cu condiții extreme de sărăcie adesea asociată cu violența. Mai mult, spațiul public exprimă cel mai bine modul de adaptare la aceste condiții extreme, spiritul practic, dar și nevoile și aspirațiile locuitorilor. Pentru practica de arhitectură și urbanism care vizează îmbunătățirea mediului de viață în aceste așezări, spațiul public oferă importante repere care trebuie descifrate, analizate, recompuse.

Cuvinte cheie: informal, marginalizare, peisaj cultural, unealtă de intervenție

Intervenţii de conservare-restaurare a unei sculpturi cu valoare artistică şi istorică, bust marmură Carol I - Autor: Aida Simona Grigore – Restaurator


Bustul Regelui Carol I al sculptorului Oscar Spaethe, a fost vandalizat, fiind spart în trei fragmente, depozitate în locuri diferite, în condiţii improprii. Muzeul Naţional de Artă al României, in custodia căruia se află, a hotărât, în anul 2013, să restaureze lucrarea. Articolul prezintă starea de conservare, etapele metodologice de restaurare-conservare, dispozitivele şi materialele folosite.

The King Carol I bust made by the sculptor Oscar Spaethe, have been vandalized and broken in three fragments, stored in different places, in improper conditions. The National Museum of Art of Romania, in which custody there is, has decided, in the year of 2013, to restore the sculpture. This article presents the conservation status, the methodological steps for conservation and restoration, the devices and the materials have been used.

Cuvinte cheie: Regele Carol I, Oscar Spaethe, vandalizat, conservare, restaurare, marmura, fragmente, curățare, jet de aburi, chituire, pastă celulozică arbocel,

Keywords: The King Carol I, Oscar Spaethe, vandalized, conservation, restoration, marble, fragments, cleaning, steam jet, filling, arbocel powered cellulose,

Hotel House – Simbioză urbană - Diana Postolache

Abstract. Symbiosis, in urbanism or architecture, represents the key relationship between city, building and user. At the same time, it defines the social aspects of a group that lives within an urban space, emphasizing on its evolution and its actions which took place according to those urban conditions. The paper is based on the research regarding the population of Hotel House (mostly immigrants), a residential building from Macerata, Italy. The emphasis is made on the evolution of the residents, on their ability to adapt to any situation and how they managed to transform this condominium into a vertical city.

Key words: urban symbiosis, organism, parasitism, mutualism, symbiont

Identitate culturală şi istorie medicală Vizita bucureşteană a medicului legist german Fritz Strassmann, 1898 - Autori: Conf. Dr. Octavian Buda și Prof. Asoc. Dr. Adrian Majuru


În 1898 profesorul german de medicină legală Fritz Strassmann a vizitat Bucureştiul la invitaţia fraţilor Mina şi Nicolae Minovici.

El avea să publice la Berlin impresiile ştinţifice ale calătoriei sale în articolul intitulat: «Bukarest und sein gerichtlich-medicinisches Institut» care a fost publicat în «Berliner Klinischer Wochenzeitschrift, 1898, no. 27».

Profesorul german Fritz Strassmann (1858-1940, Berlin) a fost una din personalităţile cele mai marcante ale medicinei legale din Germania. Strassmann a iniţiat în 1903 crearea unei societăţi de medicină legală berlineză şi a fost unul din fondatorii Societăţii Germane de Medicină, 1904, a cărei prim preşedinte a fost între 1905-1906. Strassmann, de origine evreiască, a studiat medicina la Berlin, Heidelberg şi Leipzig. A fost asistent la Jena şi apoi la Leipzig la Institutul de patologie condus de renumitul Carl Weigert. Din 1884, cariera sa este legată de medicina legală, el făcându-şi specializarea la Berlin, sub îndrumarea directorului de atunci Carl Liman.            După studii doctorale sub conducerea lui Rudolf Virchow, fondatorul patologiei moderne, şi Ernst Leyden, în 1891 Strassmann îi va succeda lui Liman la conducerea Institutului din Berlin. În 1895 a publicat un tratat de medicină legală de referinţă, Lehrbuch der gerichtlichen Medicin, ce va fi reeditat în 1931.

The Urban Anthropology Journal No.6 (2015)


Revista de Antropologie Urbană Nr.6
The Urban Anthropology Journal - No.6 (2015) - CONTENTS
  • Editorial: Politici urbane – Author: Dr. Adrian Majuru (Romanian)
  • Editorial: Urban Policies – Author: Dr. Adrian Majuru (English)
  • Editorial: Des politiques urbaines – Auteur: Dr. Adrian Majuru (French)
  • Editorial: Städtische Politiken – Author: Dr. Adrian Majuru (Deutsch)
  • Living and working in Manhattan at the beginning of the 20th century – Author: Dr. Anamaria Schwab, independent researcher
  • The mono-industrial areas in Southern Muntenia – Author: Amalia Balescu
  • Between good and evil: the system of values and the rural-urban migration in Romania -Author: Răzvan Alexandru Boagiu
  • The issue of centralisation in a centralised State – Case study: China – Author: Teodor Şerbănescu
  • The Muslims of Great Britain, between integration and segregation – Author: Pîrvu Silviu-Vlad
  • The commemoration of children in Dobrogea between the 4th century B.C. and 4th century A.D. Author: Raluca Iuliana Popescu
  • I artificial wisdom possible? A few human and procedural processes for a Geographic IT System – Author: Engineer Angelo M. Morassi
  • Semana Santa La Valladolid – Author: Cătălin D. Constantin
  • The correlation between life-expectancy and quality of life for mothers and children against equal-opportunity regarding access to health care in Romania – Anthropological aspects – Authors: Dr. Andrei Kozma, Dr. Ecaterina Stativa

Editorial: Politici urbane - Autor: dr. Adrian Majuru (Română)

Oraşul determină proiecţia unor variate politici de strategii privind dezvoltarea platformelor socio-profesionale, demografice, economice, culturale şi edilitar-urbanistice. Prima perioadă prolifică de politici urbane, de pildă, pentru Bucureşti, a fost aceea dintre anii 1933-1940, când, s-au realizat la nivel edilitar-urbanistic, actuala reprezentare a centrului bucureştean (bulevardele pe axa nord-sud şi est-vest, străjuite de hoteluri moderne, magazine, birouri de firme, cafenele, bufeturi şi restaurante etc. Primariatul lui Dem. I. Dobrescu (1929-1934), a fost punctul de plecare al acestui proces de modernizare edilitară. El s-a aflat într-o permanentă confruntare cu vechea banalitate „eternă şi iremediabilă“ a Bucureştilor, eliminând opiniile unora de a se crea o nouă capitală, fie la Băneasa (Bucureştii Noi a fost un astfel de proiect) sau chiar într-o altă regiune a ţării (Braşovul fusese luat în calcul către 1927-1930). Alături de Dem I. Dobrescu, au continuat această politică de modernizare urbană în baza unei prognoze socio-profesionale şi culturale, şi următorii primari, Al. Gh. Donescu (1934-1938) şi generalul Victor Dombrovski (1938-1940). S-a avut în vedere, ca Bucureştiul „să devină metropola culturală a Balcanilor“şi să aibă o caracteristică a sa cosmopolită, asemeni oraşelor europene. S-a avut în vedere în primul rând împrejurimile. Astfel, cu 1930, numai în trei ani, au fost amenajate două parcuri noi: Snagovul cu 3000 pogoane pădure seculară şi Băneasa, cu 250 de pogoane. Cam de atunci există aceste regiuni, amenajate ca baze de recreere şi de agrement. Au fost amenajate centrele de recreere din pădurea Pustnicul de lângă Cernica şi s-a definitivat proiectul unui parc în Valea Plângerii (astăzi Parcul Tineretului). Pentru a mări centura de parcuri, „am încheiat cu statul convenţia prin care punea la dispoziţia capitalei toate masivele păduroase până la 40 de km. împrejur“ dându-se aprobările cuvenite pentru „a face toate amenajările necesare şi toate construcţiunile pentru agrementul cetăţenilor şi salubritatea oraşului. Erau luate astfel în vedere pădurile Cernica, Comana, Plumbuita, Ţigăneşti, Căldăruşani, Gruiu, şi altele (Constantin Argetoianu). Sunt amenajate primele ştranduri, proiect pentru care Dem. I. Dobrescu a trebuit să suporte atacurile vehemente ale unor conservatori ai „moralei publice“ (asta acum 60 de ani!), fiind considerat un violent „corupător al moravurilor oraşului nostru”. Începând cu 1935, s-a pus în valoare salba de lacuri din nordul capitalei, care au fost asanate iar împrejurimile transformate în parcuri sau chiar noi cartiere de locuit: Băneasa, Herăstrău, Floreasca, Colentina. Un proiect nefinalizat (şi nu a fost singurul), urma să devieze circulaţia „de la bufet, spre şoseaua Jianu şi şoseaua colonel Ghica „pentru a lăsa şoseaua Kiseleff la dispoziţia pietonilor“. De-a lungul acestei artere, a fost amenajat în anii 1936-1940, Parcul Naţional (astăzi Parcul Herăstrău, înfrumuseţat prin deschiderea în 1936 a Muzeului Satului, apoi a restaurantului Pescăruş etc). Se dorea pentru viitorul apropiat, unirea Grădinii Botanice (inaugurate în 1935), cu parcul palatului Cotroceni unde, „să facem grădina noastră zoologică”, iar palatul regal de vară să se ridice pe Dealul Piscului, „în partea cea mai pitorească a Bucureştilor” (astăzi în zona sălii Polivalentă). Totuşi, pe dealul Piscului, fusese amenajată o staţiune de sky ce “era vizitată cu pasiune de toată capitala”. S-a dorit oprirea înmormântărilor în cimitirul Bellu, pentru a se transforma în muzeu şi pentru „nevoia de pitoresc şi de aer pentru cei vii“ dar, mai ales pentru faptul că cimitirul nu se mai afla în afara oraşului şi prezenta „un mare pericol pentru populaţia atât de deasă“ din vecinătate. Se pusese în lucru amenajarea unui bulevard Văcăreşti, cu împădurirea dealurilor apropiate, „pentru a da mai repede bucureştenilor un loc de plimbare într’adevăr pitoresc“. Pe de altă parte, „planul meu fusese ca acolo (Dealul Piscului), să ridicăm cetatea universitară, care izolează pe studenţi şi îi fereşte de tentaţiile vieţii marilor oraşe“. Cartierul universitar aşezat „la Pisc” ar fi avut în vale „parcurile şi lacurile artificiale, care se pot realiza cu mare uşurinţă“. Din nefericire s-a ales un alt loc, în oraş, astăzi fiind grupul de cămine studenţeşti din vecinătatea Facultăţii de Drept. Se iniţiase curând un nou proiect pentru zona Grozăveşti. Deci nimic nu este nou sub soare! Dealul Patriarhiei nu a scăpat proiectelor edilitare. Fiind considerat „singura parte pitorească din mijlocul oraşului“, se dorea a fi completat şi transformat într-un mic vatican român“. Începuseră lucrările pe strada 11 iunie dar „împrejurările le-au oprit“, macheta proiectului rămânând la Patriarhie. Potrivit proiectului, dealul Patriarhiei „trebuia să fie pus în axa unei esplanade, care ar fi continuat aleea actuală până la biserica Sf. Vineri“, iar mănăstirea Văcăreşti, „cu superba ei privelişte, cu frumosul bulevard Văcăreşti, ar putea fi destinată ca reşedinţă Patriarhiei noastre“, ale cărei instituţii religioase erau „înghesuite“ în dealul Patriarhiei. Dar, ceea ce urma să devină „speranţa oraşului nostru“, era „esplanada Dâmboviţei, care se va realiza prin acoperirea albiei sale. Vom realiza într-adevăr o esplanadă monumentală, pe care n’o vor putea avea multe oraşe din lume. Ea va aerisi oraşul, va ridica valoarea urbanistică şi va uşura imens circulaţia capitalei noastre. (…) Sub Dâmboviţa acoperită vom putea realiza metropolitanul oraşului (metroul, ale cărui proiecte datează aşadar, din anii 30), care va uşura transporturile de mărfuri şi de persoane. Cu metropolitanul Dâmboviţei vom putea realiza gările în centrul oraşului, făcute sub pământ (…); astfel am putea soluţiona şi chestiunea trecerilor la nivel, care încurcă mult circulaţia oraşului nostru“. Planul fusese aprobat iar într-o primă etapă urma să se acopere Dâmboviţa între str. Şerban Vodă şi Palatul Justiţiei, „cu compartimente provizorii sus şi antrepozite jos. Lucrarea se plătea singură în 15 ani şi cu veniturile după expirarea acestui termen, continua acoperirea treptat“ (Constantin Argetoianu). În viziunea edilitarilor interbelici, Calea Victoriei rămăsese „un punct degradant al capitalei noastre“ drept pentru care se fixase o lărgime de 22 de metri iar pentru sectorul cuprins între hotelul Continental şi piaţa Palatului şi între Calea Victoriei şi strada Academiei, era propus pentru a fi dărâmat „pentru a se face o frumoasă esplanadă”. S-a avut în vedere chiar ridicarea monumentului de la Adam-Clisi pe dealul Văcăreştilor sau pe dealul de la Arsenal, urmând a fi transformat în „Pantheon naţional“ ce ar putea forma astfel „un punct de atracţie pentru străini“ şi ar da capitalei „o caracteristică într-adevăr pregnantă“. Deşi fragmentele monumentului au fost aduse la Bucureşti, proiectul nu a fost finalizat. Piaţa Universităţii urma să fie transformată „într-un Corso unde să tragem populaţia oraşului, care se înghesuie pe celelalte străzi“. O realizare mai redusă ca dimensiuni s-a realizat totuşi, între piaţa Universităţii şi piaţa Mihail Kogălniceanu, cu multe cinematografe, cafenele, berării, restaurante, (Corso, Gambrinus, Cişmigiu etc). Interesant rămâne proiectul privind strada Lipscani şi împrejurimile. Astfel, strada Lipscani urma să fie lărgită şi transformată în stradă de arcade, care „ar trebui să fie acoperită sus cu sticlă, astfel ca să împiedice circulaţia aerului. Ea trebuia transformată într-un Corso al eleganţei feminine. (…) În acel Corso al eleganţei feminine din strada Lipscani, s’ar putea stabili imitaţiunea şi emulaţiunea elegantelor, din care ar ieşi perfecţionarea eleganţei.

Eleganţa naturală a doamnelor române, ar face în curând din Bucureşti un centru de propagarea eleganţei în Balcani“. Către 1940, proiectele urbanistice privind Bucureştii, merg mai departe şi sunt mult mai ambiţioase. Se avea în vedere eliminarea totală a locurilor virane, înlocuite cu pieţe monumentale, grădini, squaruri şi parcuri, iar pe străzile capitalei „nu se vor mai vedea căruţe, harabale sau trăsuri“. Liniile electrice urmau să fie prelungite „până la o rază de 30-40 de km, în jurul capitalei” iar în centrul acesteia, se va introduce metroul (Marcel Iancu). Piaţa Mare (Unirii), urma să fie desfiinţată „complectamente“ (alături de celelate pieţe agroalimentare). În locul pieţei mari „se va deschide larg perspectiva Patriarhiei spre o mare piaţă pe care se va construi un mare monument (astăzi se află în derulare proiectul unui astfel de monument: Catedrala Mântuirii Neamului!)”; aprovizionările „se vor face numai din antrepozite situate în diverse cartiere ale oraşului” (care urmau să fie vestitele „circuri ale foamei“ iar astăzi sunt şi marile angro-uri din afara oraşului). Chioşcurile, tarabele şi barăcile urmau să fie desfiinţate. Interesant de amintit, este faptul că zona Universităţii şi aceea a Casei de Depuneri (astăzi C.E.C.-ul), deveniseră punctul unor proiecte imaginare privind construirea unor „centre de atracţie“, precum „blok-hausuri monumentale de câte 14-20 de etaje“, lucru uimitor pentru Bucureştiul interbelic, dar nu imposibil dacă ne gândim la Palatul Telefoanelor. Astfel, clădiri precum Universitatea, Casa de Depuneri, Ateneul Român, Cercul Militar, „vor rămâne modeste amintiri ale unui trecut îndepărtat şi de mult uitat“. Aceste proiecte erau socotite a fi finalizate către finalul veacului nostru. Astăzi, recunoaştem calculul reuşit al acestor proiecte dacă ne gândim la metrou, amenajarea Dâmboviţei, a bulevardului Văcăreşti, dar mai ales la clădirile mari din zona Universităţii (hotelul Intercontinental) şi zona Casei de Depuneri (clădirea Bancorex) etc. De ce aceste proiecte au fost în mare majoritate sortite eşecului în urmă cu 80 de ani? Ne răspunde Dem I. Dobrescu în Viitorul Bucureştilor (editura ziarului Tribuna Edilitară, Bucureşti, 1934). Situaţia este complexă şi a depins de o serie de factori omniprezenţi în peisajul bucureştean interbelic. Cea mai serioasă problemă era aceea a bucureştenilor care „a păstrat caracterul umil al ţăranului din care se recrutează. Bucureştenii sunt anarhici în faţa unei autorităţi reale şi servili în faţa autorităţilor abuzive. (…) bucureştenii sunt descendenţii vechilor clăcaşi, care au înmagazinat de-a lungul timpului, toată umilinţa robului în faţa patronului. Bucureştii suferă de iobagismul sufletesc”(Horia Creangă). Aşadar, chestiuni de mentalitate. Un oraş modern construit pe un fond sufletesc rural cu accesoriile mentale ale acestuia. De aceea, până la formarea unui fond sufletesc comun, şi modern, „noi nu putem zidi nimic serios pe sufletul bucureştean”. Bucureşteanul este nedisciplinat şi neadaptat „la ruajul social, este incapabil de muncă continuă. De aici instabilitatea sa profesională. În nici un oraş din lume nu vedem atâta comerţ ambulant, atâţia misiţi, atâţia văcsuitori de ghete, atâţia cartofori, atâţia chibiţi şi atâţia funcţionari. În nici un oraş nu vedem atât de puţini profesionişti care să moştenească profesiunea lor din tată în fiu… meseriaşul bucureştean, preferă loviturile”(N. D. Cocea). Mentalitatea ostilă schimbărilor mari se regăseşte în rândurile trimise de către negustorii bucureşteni care au trebuit să „suporte cu greu“ curăţenia frecventă din pieţe: „ce este cu atâta curăţenie, domnule primar; noi am trăit veacuri întregi în murdărie şi am trăit mai bine decât acum în curăţenie“. Astfel de repere se regăsesc în toate operele literare interbelice din care amintesc selectiv: N. D. Cocea, Pentr-un petec de negreaţă şi Jurnal; Cezar Petrescu, Calea Victoriei; Petru Dumitriu, Cronică de familie etc. O altă problema era faptul că „banul public nu a căpătat încă disciplina necesară ca să margă la visteria publică“, primarul Dem. I. Dobrescu fiind adeseori nevoit să intervină pentru a recupera mari datorii ale unor societăţi comerciale faţă de primărie; primarul afirma pe drept cuvânt că va trece mult timp „până când banul public să ajungă să înveţe drumul tezaurului public“ (Constantin Argetoianu). Dincolo de aceste repere îndepărtate – dar mereu actuale – rămâne complemetaritatea temporală între teoretizarea unor proiecte (chiar şi la nivel utopic) în urmă cu mai bine de 50 de ani şi realizarea lor practică, în anii din urmă, act ce confirmă fezabilitatea edilitar-urbanistică a acestora. Astfel, putem spune că s-a realizat o unitate organică – cel puţin din perspectivă edilitar-urbanistică – între generaţia tânără a anilor ‘30 şi ‘40, şi cea de astăzi, având drept obiectiv primordial un anumit tip de integrare europeană: perspectiva unui urbanism modern. Problemele de astăzi ale arhitecţilor privind urbanismul nu sunt diferite de ale generaţiilor mai vechi. Cel puţin, pentru tinerii provinciali, Bucureştii, fie are „o vechime fără circulaţie europeană“, apărând ca o „irealitate volantă, fata morgana, fantasmă ce niciodată nu a prins trup“, cu un clar contur de „metropolă refuzată“, fie o „născocire“ demnă de „un megaloman narcisiac de extracţie paranoică!” În ultimii 25 de ani strategiile de politică urbană cotinuă să fie dezvoltate atât în scop pedagogic şi lucrativ (Jan Gehl&Birgitte Svarre, 2015) şi în acelaşi timp reprezintă subiectul unor teme de cercetare foarte serioase. Dosarul dedicat politicilor urbane este deschis de sinteza Amaliei Bădescu cu referire la Zonele monoindustriale din regiunea sud Muntenia, regiune din care face parte şi Bucureştiul, dar şi o importantă parte a periferiei est europeană. Avem o analiză în detaliu a problemelor de re-adaptare economică şi socio-profesională a oraşelor medii şi mici din sud-estul României şi sunt prezentate apoi opţiunile de dezvoltare pe o prognoză de o generaţie activă. Urmează analiza semnată de Ana Maria Schwab cu privire la muncă şi locuire în centrul oraşului New York, în urmă cu o sută de ani (Living and working in Manhattan at the beginning of the twentieth century). Revenind la România, Răzvan Alexandru Boagiu dezvoltă o analiză interesantă în studiul Între bine şi rău, sistemul de valori şi migraţia rural-urban în România. Re-popularea unor oraşe din România ultimilor 20 de ani semnifică şi o modificare a sistemului de valori privind raportarea generaţiilor tinere active faţă de oraşul adoptiv şi reacţiile faţă de presiunea factorului de re-profesionalizare, aproape necunoscut generaţiilor precedente. Marius Solon propune apoi o analiză de detaliu urban privind strategia planificată a proiectelor urbanistice privind Interstiţiul riveran-urban al rîului Colentina, aflat în nordul Bucureştilor. Dosarul continuă cu studiul privitor la abilitatea societăţii britanice de a ameliora relaţiile cu cetăţenii de confesiune musulmană. Pîrvu Silviu Vlad şi studiul său, Musulmanii din Marea Britanie, între integrare şi segregare. În final, avem exemplul altei societăţi urbane şi culturale, care preferă centralizarea strategiilor urbane. Teodor Şerbănescu propune spre lectură analiza sa Problema urbanizării în statul centralizat. Studiu de caz China. Politicile urbane se regăsesc ca element fundamental de dezvoltare pentru orice comunitate urbană şi în funcţie de reuşita lor avem perspectiva unor oraşe cu plus de confort socio-profesional şi edilitar-urbanistic.

Editorial: Urban Policies - Author: dr. Adrian Majuru (English)

Each city generates various strategy policies for the development of social and professional, demographic, economic, cultural and city planning platforms. For instance, Bucharest’s first prolific city planning period was 1933 to 1940, when the current layout of the city centre was drawn up and approved – boulevards running north to south and east to west, with modern hotels, stores, office buildings, cafés, diners and restaurants a.s.o. The period when Dem.I.Dobrescu was Mayor of Bucharest (1929-1934) was the starting point of this process of urbanistic modernisation. He constantly opposed Bucharest’s old “eternal and hopeless” banality, while rejecting the opinions of those who supported the building of a new capital, in Băneasa (Bucureştii Noi was one such project) or even in a different part of the country (Braşovul had been considered, somewhere in 1927-1930). The mayors who followed Dem I. Dobrescu – Al. Gh. Donescu (1934-1938) and General Victor Dombrovski (1938-1940) continued this urban modernisation policy based on social, professional and cultural forecasts. The plan was for Bucharest “to become the Balkans’ cultural metropolis” and to have its own, cosmopolitan personality, much like other European cities. First of all, work started on its surroundings. Thus, starting 1930, in only three years, two new parks were built: Snagov, “having 1.500 hectares of secular forests, and Băneasa, having 125 hectares”. It is from that period that the recreational and leisure development of these areas dates. Recreational grounds were created in the Pustnicul forest next to Cernica; plans were set into place for a park in Valea Plângerii (today’s Parcul Tineretului). In order to extend the city’s park belt, “the State has agreed to cede to the capital all forested areas up to 40 km around it” and the necessary approvals were given to “make all necessary arrangements and all constructions for the recreation of citizens and the sanitation of the city”. The areas concerned were the forests of Cernica, Comana, Plumbuita, Ţigăneşti, Căldăruşani, Gruiu and several others (Constantin Argetoianu). The first public open-air pools were built, a project for which Dem I. Dobrescu had to stand against violent opposition from those eager to preserve “public morals” (60 years ago!), who considered him a vicious “corrupter of the mores of our city”. 1935 saw the beginning of the works on the string of lakes to the north of the capital: the surrounding land was drained and turned into parks or even new residential areas – Băneasa, Herăstrău, Floreasca, Colentina. One unfinished project (not the only one by far) involved the deviation of traffic “from the buffet, towards the Jian and Colonel Ghica avenues”, so that the Kiseleff boulevard would be “left to pedestrians only”. On the latter artery, the National Park was created between 1936 and 1940 (nowadays Parcul Herăstrău, to which were added the Village Museum, opened in 1936, then the Pescăruş restaurant a.s.o.). Another plan for the near future involved the joining of the Botanical Garden (inaugurated in 1935) and the park of the Cotroceni palace where “we would make our zoological garden”, while the royal summer palace would be built on the elevation called Dealul Piscului, “in Bucharest’s most picturesque region” (close to where Sala Polivalentă is now). However, a ski resort had already been built on Dealul Piscului, “visited with great passion by the entire capital”. The authorities intended to prohibit any further burials in the Belu cemetery, to turn it into a museum and to address “the need for air of the living”, but most importantly because the cemetery was no longer outside the city limits and presented “a great danger for the dense population” in its vicinity. Work had already started on a boulevard called Văcăreşti, a project which included the reforestation of the surrounding hills “in order to grant the citizens of Bucharest ready access to a truly picturesque place for walks”. On the other hand, “my plan had been to erect there (on Dealul Piscului) the university city, which would isolate students and keep them away from the temptations of big city life”. Downhill of the university campus located on the “Pisc” there would have been “parks and artificial lakes, which can very easily be arranged”. Unfortunately, another place was chosen, closer to the city centre, on which now there is the complex of student residences near the Faculty of Law. A new project was soon initiated for the Grozăveşti area. In other words, there is nothing new under the sun! Dealul Patriarhiei [the Patriarchy Hill] was not left out of the urbanistic projects, either. As it was considered “the only picturesque part of the city centre”, the plans aimed to develop it and turn it into “a small, Romanian Vatican”. Works had started on 11 Iunie Street but “circumstances forced us to pause them”, and the scale model of the project was left with the Patriarchy. According to the project, Dealul Patriarhiei “was to be integrated into the axis of a promenade which would have been laid out as a continuation of the current alley leading to the Sf. Vineri church”, while the Văcăreşti monastery, “with its superb views, with the lovely Văcăreşti boulevard, could be given as a residence to our Patriarchy”, whose religious institutions were “crammed” on Dealul Patriarhiei. But what would become “the hope of our city” was “the promenade on the bank of the Dâmboviţa, which will be accomplished by covering the river bed. We will build a monumental promenade indeed, one which not many cities in the world can boast. It will create open spaces in the city, it will raise its urbanistic value and contribute hugely to easing traffic in our capital. … Underneath the covered Dâmboviţa we will be able to build the city’s metropolitan (the metro, whose projects, as we see, date back from the ’30s), which will facilitate the transportation of goods and passengers. With the metropolitan under Dâmboviţa we will be able to build the train stations in the centre of town, underground… this would also give us a chance to solve the issue of level crossings, which greatly impede circulation in our city”. The plan had been approved; as a first step, Dâmboviţa was going to be covered between Şerban Vodă Street and Palatul Justiţiei [the Palace of Justice], “with provisional compartments above and storage spaces below. The works would pay for themselves in 15 years and the income it generated after this period would go to continuing the gradual covering of the river”(Constantin Argetoianu). In the vision of interwar city planners, Calea Victoriei was still “a point which brings shame to our capital”, which was why it was modified to have a fixed width of 22 metres; there was a proposal to demolish the segment between the Continental hotel and Piaţa Palatului, as well as the one between Calea Victoriei and Academiei Street, “in order to make a beautiful promenade”. There were even plans to build the Adam-Clisi monument on Dealul Văcăreştilor or on the Arsenal hill and to turn it into a “national Pantheon”, which would become “a point of attraction to foreigners” and give the capital “a truly unique feature”. Though the fragments of the monument were brought to Bucharest, the project was never finished. Piaţa Universităţii would be turned “into a Corso where we would attract the city population, which crowds the other streets”. A similar, smaller area was actually built between Piaţa Universităţii and Piaţa Mihail Kogălniceanu, with many cinemas, cafes, beergardens, restaurants (Corso, Gambrinus, Cişmigiu, etc). One interesting feature is the project for Lipscani Street and its surroundings. There were plans to make the street wider and cover it with arcade “with a roof of glass above, in order to prevent air circulation. It was to be turned into a Corso for the feminine population. … On this Corso of feminine elegance on Lipscani Street, the imitation and emulation of elegant ladies would be enshrined, and elegance would be perfected. The natural elegance of Romanian ladies would soon make Bucharest a hub of elegance in the Balkans”.

  Around 1940, city planning in Bucharest goes ever farther and becomes more and more ambitious. There were plans to completely eliminate vacant lots, which would be replaced by monumental squares, gardens and parks, and “no more wagons, carts or horse-drawn carriages would be seen” on the street of Bucharest. Power lines would be extended “on a radius of 30-40 km around the capital” and a metro would circulate in its central area (Marcel Iancu). The market called Piaţa Mare (Unirii) would be removed “in its entirety” (as well as all the other produce markets). Where the main market stood, “there will be a wide open view on the Patriarchy and a grand square where a large monument will be built” (a somewhat similar project is underway in the present time: the People’s Salvation Cathedral!); food and produce “will be purchased only from stores located in various neighbourhoods of the city” (stores which would become the famous Communist “hunger circuses” and which are embodied today by the large hypermarkets outside of town). Kiosks, stalls and barracks would be demolished. An interesting detail is that the areas around the University and Casa de Depuneri(today’s C.E.C.) had become the field of imaginary projects for building “attraction centres” such as “monumental blok-haus buildings 14-20 storeys tall”, which, for interwar Bucharest, would have been astounding but not at all impossible, if we think of Palatul Telefoanelor. Thus, buildings such as the University, Casa de Depuneri, Ateneul Român, Cercul Militar “will remain modest remembrances from a faraway, long-forgotten past”. The projects were estimated to be finished towards the end of our century. Nowadays we can gauge the successful calculation of such projects if we think of the metro, the development of Dâmboviţa’s banks or the Văcăreşti boulevard, but most prominently of the large buildings near the University (the Intercontinental hotel) and near the Casa de Depuneri (the Bancorex building) etc. Why were the overwhelming majority of these projects doomed to fail 80 years ago? The answer comes from Dem I. Dobrescu, in Viitorul Bucureştilor (Editura Ziarului Tribuna Edilitară, Bucharest, 1934). The situation is complex and depended on various factors which were omnipresent in the scenery of Bucharest between the two world wars. The most serious problem resided with Bucharest’s citizens themselves, who “have preserved the humble character of the peasants from whose ranks they are recruited. The citizens of Bucharest are anarchic when confronted with genuine authority and servile before abusive authorities. … the citizens fo Bucharest descend from the old serfs, who in time have amassed all the humiliation of the servant before his master. The citizens of Bucharest suffer from spiritual servitude” (Horia Creangă). In other words, these were issues of mentality. A modern city, built on a rural spiritual foundation, with the mental accessories which come with it. That is why, until a common, modern spiritual foundation is laid out, “we can build nothing lasting on the spirit of Bucharest”. The average citizen of Bucharest is undisciplined and unadapted “to the social mechanism, incapable of continuous work. This is where his professional instability stems from. In no other city in the world does one see so much street trading, so many middlemen, so many shoeshiners, so many petty gamblers, so many kibitzers and so many clerks. In no city do we see so few professionals inheriting their craft through generations … the craftsman of Bucharest prefers one-hit profits” (N.D.Cocea). This mentality, hostile to significant change, comes through in letters sent by the merchants of Bucharest who had to “bear with great difficulty” the frequent cleaning of the markets: “why do we need all this cleaning, Mayor; we lived dirty for centuries, and still we lived better than now, with all the cleaning”. Such clues can be found in all the literary works written between the two world wars, only a few of which are: N.D.Cocea, Pentr-un petec de negreaţă and Jurnal; Cezar Petrescu, Calea Victoriei; Petru Dumitriu, Cronică de familie; etc. Yet another problem was that “public funds have not yet acquired the discipline needed to take them into the public treasury”, and Mayor Dem I. Dobrescu often had to step in to recover large debts which enterprises had accumulated with the City Hall; the Mayor rightfully stated that there would be a long time “before public money learns the path to the public treasury” (Constantin Argetoianu). Beyond these remote (but ever actual) details there is always the temporal complementarity between sketching projects in theory (even at a utopian level) over 50 years ago and their practical accomplishment in recent years, which confirms their urbanistic feasibility. Thus, we could say an organic unity has been achieved – at least from the point of view of city planning – between the young generation of the ’30s and ’40s and the current generation, whose main objective is a particular form of European integration: the perspective of modern urbanism. The urbanistic problems architects face nowadays are no different from those of older generations. To young people from outside the capital, at least, Bucharest is either “of an age which takes it out of the European circuit”, appearing as a “fleeting mirage, a fata morgana, an apparition which was never fleshed out”, with the definite contours of a “rejected metropolis”, or a “fabrication” worthy of “a narcissistic megalomaniac with a paranoid background!” Over the last 25 years, urban policies have been developed for both didactic and lucrative purposes (Jan Gehl&Birgitte Svarre, 2015); they are, at the same time, the subject of very serious research efforts. The file of urban policies starts with Amalia Bădescu synthetic work on monoindustrial areas in the southern Muntenia region (Zonele monoindustriale din regiunea sud Muntenia), which includes Bucharest as well as a considerable part of the Eastern European periphery. After an in-depth analysis of the problems of economic, social and professional re-adaptation in average and small towns in south-eastern Romania, the work presents the options for development for a forecast period of one active generation. Another analysis is the one signed by Ana Maria Schwab, on Living and Working in Manhattan at the Beginniung of the Twentieth Century. Coming back to Romania, Răzvan Alexandru Boagiu develops an interesting analysis in his stury Între bine şi rău, sistemul de valori şi migraţia rural-urban în România [Between Good and Evil: The Value System and Rural-to-Urban Migration in Romania]. The repopulation of some Romanian towns in the last 20 years has also brought about a change in the value system, in the way in which young active generations relate to their town of adoption and in reactions to the pressure of the re-skilling factor, which was all but unknown to previous generations. Also, Marius Solon proposes a detailed urban analysis on the planned strategy of urbanistic projects in Interstiţiul riveran-urban al rîului Colentina [The River-City Interspace of the Colentina River], referring to a river in the northern part of Bucharest. The file continues with Pîrvu Silviu Vlad’s study on the ability of the British society to improve relations with its Muslim citizens, Musulmanii din Marea Britanie, între integrare şi segregare [Muslims in Great Britain, Between Integration and Segregation. Last but not least, we find an example of another urban and cultural society, which prefers to centralise urban strategies, in Teodor Şerbănesacu’s analysis Problema urbanizării în statul centralizat. Studiu de caz China [The problem of City Planning in a Centralised State. China: A Case Study]. Urban policies are a fundamental development element of any urban community; depending on their rate of success, we can hope that cities will increase their level of comfort in the social, professional and urbanistic fields.

Éditorials: Des politiques urbaines - Auteur: dr. Adrian Majuru (Francais)

La ville détermine la projection de différentes stratégies politiques concernant le développement de plates-formes socioprofessionnelles, démographiques, économiques, culturelles et édilitaires-urbaines. Par exemple, à Bucarest la première période prolifique pour les politiques urbaines a été entre les années 1933 et 1940, quand la représentation actuelle du centre de Bucarest (la avenues nord-sud et est-ouest, bordées d’hôtels modernes, des magasins, des bureaux, des cafés, des buffets et des restaurants, etc.) a été réalisée au niveau édilitaire-urbain. C’est lors du mandat du maire Dem. I. Dobrescu (1929-1934) que ce processus de modernisation urbaine a commencé. Ce maire c’est toujours trouvé en contradiction avec l’ancienne banalité « éternelle et irrémédiable » de Bucarest, ne considérant pas les opinions de certains qui demandaient la création d’une nouvelle capitale, à Băneasa (Bucureştii Noi a été un tel projet) ou dans une autre région du pays (Braşov avait été pris en considération depuis 1927-1930). Cette politique de modernisation urbaine initiée par Dem I. Dobrescu sur la base d’un pronostic socioprofessionnel et culturel a continué avec les maires suivants, Al. Gh. Donescu (1934-1938) et le General Victor Dombrovski (1938-1940). Il était prévu que Bucarest devienne « la métropole culturelle des Balkans » et qu’elle aura un caractère cosmopolite, comme les villes Européennes. L’environnement avait aussi été pris en compte. Ainsi, en 1930, pendant seulement trois ans, deux nouveaux parcs avaient été crées : le Parc de Snagov, avec « 3000 acres de forêt séculaire, et Băneasa, avec 250 acres ». Ces espaces datent depuis ce moment, aménagées comme bases de recréation et agrément. Des centres de recréation ont été aménagés dans le bois de Pustnicul, à coté de Cernica, et le projet concernant un parc à Valea Plângerii (aujourd’hui le Parc de la Jeunesse) a été accompli. Pour ajouter au nombre de parcs « on a signé une convention qui mettait a la disposition de la Capitale toutes les forets jusqu’à une distance de 40km autour de la ville ». On a approuvé tout ce qui était nécessaire « pour pouvoir commencer les aménagements et toutes les constructions pour l’agrément des citoyens et la salubrité de la ville. Ainsi ont été vises les forets de Cernica, Comana, Plumbuita, Ţigăneşti, Căldăruşani, Gruiu, et d’autres (Constantin Argetoianu). Les premières piscines publiques ont été aménagées, un projet pour lequel Dem.I.Dobrescu a du supporter des attaques virulents de la part des conservateurs, qui défendaient « la morale publique » (cela se passait il y a 60 ans), les piscines étant considérées comme « une violente source de corruption des mœurs de la ville ». À partir de 1935, on a mis en évidence les lacs au nord de la capitale, qui ont été drainés et convertis en parcs, ou même en quartiers résidentiels nouveaux: Băneasa, Herăstrău, Floreasca, Colentina. Un des projets qui n’a jamais été finalise a été celui concernant le détournement du trafic «commençant au buffet, vers les autoroutes Jianu et Colonel Ghica», pour pouvoir laisser Kiseleff aux piétons. Dans les années 1936-1940 le Parc national (maintenant Herăstrău) a été crée au long de cette artère. Au parc se sont ajoutés le Musée du Village en 1936, puis le restaurant La Mouette. On désirait réunir les Jardins Botaniques (inaugurées en 1935) et le Parc du Palais Cotroceni, où, « on pouvait construire un jardin zoologique », et construire le Palais royal d’été sur la Colline Piscul, « dans la partie la plus pittoresque de Bucarest » (aujourd’hui près de la Salle Polyvalente). Cependant, il y’avait déjà une piste de ski aménagée sur la colline Piscul, et qui « était très populaire parmi les gens de la Capitale ». On a souhaité arrêter les enterrements dans le cimetière Bellu, pour pouvoir le transformer en musée, parce qu’il y avait besoin « d’un espace pittoresque et de l’air frais pour les vivants », et surtout parce que le cimetière ne se trouvait plus en dehors de la ville et était devenu « un grand danger pour la population, aussi nombreuse » qui habitait aux alentours. On avait commencé l’aménagement d’un boulevard à Văcăreşti, avec la plantation de nouveaux arbres sur les collines les plus près, pour « offrir aux Bucarestois un lieu de promenade vraiment pittoresque ». D’un autre coté, « mon plan avait stipulé que là bas (la Colline Piscul) on allait construire l’Université et son campus, pour isoler les étudiants et les protéger contre les tentations de la ville ». Le quartier universitaire qui allait être situé « au Pisc » devrait avoir auprès de lui des « parcs et lacs artificiels, qui ne sont pas difficiles a créer ». Malheureusement on a choisi un autre endroit pour ce projet, à l’intérieur de la ville – ce qui est aujourd’hui le groupe d’habitations pour étudiants près de l’Université de Droit. Un nouveau projet a bientôt été débuté, pour la zone Grozăveşti. Donc rien de nouveau sous le soleil ! La colline du Patriarcat n’a pas échappée aux projets édilitaires. Etant considéré « comme le seul endroit pittoresque du centre-ville », on désirait ajouter d’autres éléments et le transformer ainsi dans un « petit Vatican Roumain ». Les travaux dans la rue 11 Juin avaient commence, mais « les circonstances on arrêté tout travail », le modèle du projet restant gardé par le Patriarcat. D’après ce projet, la colline du Patriarcat « aurait du être intégrée sur l’axe d’une esplanade, qui allait suivre la route actuelle jusqu’à l’Eglise du St. Vendredi », et le monastère Văcăreşti, « avec ses superbes vues et son beau boulevard Văcăreşti pourrait devenir le lieu de résidence de notre Patriarcat », qui avait ses institutions religieuses « entassées » sur la colline du Patriarcat. Cependant, ce qu’allait devenir « l’espoir de notre ville » était « l’esplanade de Dâmboviţa, qui allait être crée en recouvrant son lit. On va enfin avoir une esplanade monumentale, une structure pas accessible pour beaucoup de villes au monde. Elle permettra aa la ville de respirer, montant la valeur urbaine, et facilitant la circulation dans notre Capitale. (…) En dessous de la Dâmboviţa recouverte on pourra commencer les travaux pour le métro de la ville (sa projection datant des années 30), qui rendra plus facile le transport de cargo et de personnes. Le métro de Dâmboviţei aura des stations au centre-ville, construites dans le souterrain (…). C’est ainsi qu’on pourra résoudre le problème du passage d’un niveau de circulation a l’autre, qui perturbent en ce moment la circulation dans la ville ». Le plan avait été approuvé et pour la première étape, la Rivière Dâmboviţa allait être recouverte entre la rue Şerban Vodă et le Palais de la Justice, «avec des compartimentations provisoires a la surface et des entrepôts en dessous. Le travail se payera seul en 15 ans et avec les revenus obtenus après l’expiration de ce terme, on pourra continuer avec la seconde phase. » (Constantin Argetoianu) Suivant la vision des édilitaires de l’entre-deux-guerres, la Voie Victoria était restée « un point dégradant de notre Capitale », raison pour laquelle on avait fixé une largeur de 22 mètres. Pour le morceau entre le Hôtel Continental et la place du Palais, et entre a Voie Victoria et la rue de l’Académie, on avait propose la démolition et le remplacement de cet espace avec une belle esplanade ». Il a été envisagé même de reloquer le monument d’Adam-Clisi sur la colline Văcăreşti ou sur la colline d’Arsenal, pour que cet endroit devienne un «Panthéon national», un potentiel « point d’attraction pour les étrangers » qui rendra à la Capitale « une caractéristique vraiment prégnante ». Bien que des fragments du monument aient été apportés à Bucarest, le projet n’a jamais été finalisé. La Place de l’Université allait devenir « un Corso qui attirera la population, en ce moment entassée dans les autres rues ». Cependant, un projet d’une ampleur plus réduite a été réalisé entre la Place de l’Université et la Place Mihail Kogălniceanu, ou ont été construits des cinémas, des cafés, des pubs, des restaurants (Corso, Gambrinus, Cişmigiu, etc.). Un point d’intérêt reste le projet concernant la rue Lipscani et ses alentours. La rue allait être élargie et transformée en rue d’arcades, qui « sera recouverte par des panneaux en verre, pour empêcher la circulation de l’air. Elle devrait devenir un Corso pour l’élégance féminine. (…) Ce Corso de l’élégance féminine sera un lieu destiné au perfectionnement de l’élégance. L’élégance naturelle des dames Roumaines fera de Bucarest un centre de propagation de l’élégance pour la zone Balkanique ».

Vers 1940, les projets urbains concernant Bucarest continuent, et deviennent plus ambitieuses. On désirait l’élimination totale des terrains inoccupés, qui devraient être remplacés par des places monumentales, des jardins, des squares et des parcs, et dans les rues de la Capitale « on ne verra plus de chariots, charrettes, ou guimbardes». Les lignes électriques aériennes allaient être prolongées «jusqu’à 30-40 km distance autour de la Capitale», et au centre de tout cela sera introduit le métro (Marcel Iancu). La Grande Place (Unirii), devrait être «entièrement» abolie (avec toutes les autres places agroalimentaires). A sa place «s’ouvrira la vue depuis le Patriarcat envers une grande place ou sera construit un monument massif (dans nous jours le projet pour un tel monument est en train de se dérouler: la Cathédrale de la Rédemption du Peuple !)». L’approvisionnement sera fait «seulement à l’aide des entrepôts situés dans de divers quartiers de la ville » (qui deviendront les fameuses « cercles de la faim », et qui aujourd’hui sont les grand en-gros d’en dehors de la ville). Les kiosques, les stands et des baraques devaient disparaitre. C’est intéressant de mentionner que la zone de l’Universite et celle de la Maison des Dépôts (aujourd’hui le siège du C.E.C), étaient vissées par un nombre de projets encore en phase de concepts, qui proposaient la construction de « points d’attraction », comme des « blocs d’appartements très hauts, comportant 14-20 étages », des constructions qui auraient été étonnantes à voir dans le Bucarest de l’entre-deux guerres, mais pas impossibles à réaliser si l’on pense au Palais des Téléphones. Les bâtiments comme l’Université, la Maison des Dépôts, l’Athénée Roumain, le Cercle militaire, «resteront de modestes souvenirs d’un passé lointain et oublié». L’achèvement de ces projets était prévu pour la fin de ce siècle. Aujourd’hui, nous reconnaissons le succès de ces prévisions puisque le Métro, l’aménagement de la Rivière Dâmboviţa et du Boulevard Văcăreşti, et surtout l’apparition des grands bâtiments près de l’Université (l’hôtel Intercontinental) et aux environs de la Maison des Dépôts (bâtiment Bancorex), etc. Pourquoi ces projets ont-ils vouées à l’échec il ya 80 ans? Dem I.Dobrescu nous offre une réponse dans L’Avenir de Bucarest (Edition du Journal La Tribune Edilitaire, Bucarest, 1934). La situation est complexe et a été dépendante d’un nombre de facteurs omniprésents dans le paysage Bucarestois de l’entre-deux-guerres. Le problème le plus sérieux des Bucarestois qui « avaient garde le humble caractère de ses ancêtres, les paysans. Les Bucarestois son anarchiques devant une réelle autorité, et obséquieux face aux formes d’autorité abusives. (…) Les Bucarestois sont les descendants des anciens serfs, et ont hérité l’esprit prosterné du serf envers son patron. Bucarest est affecté par l’esclavage spirituel » (Horia Creangă). Donc, passons aux questions de mentalité. Une ville moderne, construite sur le fond d’un esprit rural avec les accessoires mentaux afférents. D’ici jusqu’à la formation d’un fond spirituel commun, et moderne, « on ne peut pas nous baser sur l’esprit Bucarestois ». Le Bucarestois est indiscipliné et inadapté « au rouage social, incapable de travail prolongé. D’où son instabilité professionnelle. Aucune ville n’a autant de commerce ambulant, autant de marchants intermédiaires, autant de cireurs de chaussures, autant de parieurs, autant de Kiebitz, et autant de fonctionnaires. Aucune ville n’a si peu de professionnels, pour lesquels le métier a été transmis de père en fils…le travailleur Bucarestois préfère les coups » N.D.Cocea). La mentalité hostile envers les changements majeurs se trouve parmi ces lignes rédigées par les marchands Bucarestois qui ont du « supporter avec difficulté » le nettoyage fréquent des marchés, qui étaient « si propres, monsieur le Maire; pendant des siècles entières nous avons vécu dans la saleté, et on vivait mieux que maintenant ». De tels indices peuvent être trouvés dans tous les ouvrages littéraires de l’entre-deux-guerres, parmi lesquelles on souligne : N.D.Cocea, A travers une tache de noirceur et Le Journal ; Cezar Petrescu, La Voie Victoria ; Petru Dumitriu, Chronique de famille, et ainsi de suite. Un autre problème était que « l’argent publique n’avait pas encore reçu la discipline nécessaire pour aller à la trésorerie publique », le Maire Dem. I.Dobrescu ayant souvent du d’intervenir pour récupérer de larges dettes appartenant à certaines sociétés commerciales, argent qui aurait du être retourné à la Mairie. Ce dernier affirmait qu’il y a encore un long chemin à parcourir jusqu’au point où « l’argent publique apprendra le chemin menant à la trésorerie » (Constantin Argetoianu). Au delà de ces anciennes déclarations – mais toujours viables – reste la complémentarité temporelle entre la théorisation de certains projets (même au niveau d’utopie) d’il y a 50 ans, et leur réalisation pratique, qui s’est achevé vers la fin du siècle, fait qui confirme leur faisabilité édilitaire-urbaine. Ainsi, nous pouvons dire qu’une unité organique est née – au moins de la perspective édilitaire-urbaine – entre la jeune génération des années 30 et 40, et celle d’aujourd’hui, ayant comme objectif primordial un certain type d’intégration Européenne : la perspective d’un urbanisme moderne. Les problèmes courants des architectes en ce qui concerne l’urbanisme ne sont pas différents des problèmes des générations plus anciennes. Au moins, pour les jeunes provinciaux, la ville a soit « une ancienneté sans circulation européenne», apparaissant comme un « mirage, un fantasme qui n’a jamais pris de forme concrète », avec un profil clair de « métropole refusée » ou un « artifice » digne de l’imagination d’un « mégalomane narcissique aux tendances paranoïaques ! ». Durant les derniers 25 ans, les stratégies de politique urbaine continuent à être développées, pour des raisons pédagogiques et lucratives (Jan Gehl&Birgitte Svarre, 2015) et en même temps sont des sujets de recherche très sérieux. Le dossier dédié aux politiques urbaines est débuté par la synthèse d’Amalia Bădescu, qui se concentre sur les zones mono-industrielles de la région du sud de Munténie, région de laquelle fait partie la ville Bucarest ainsi qu’une importante partie de la périphérie Est de l’Europe. On a ici une analyse détaillée des problèmes de réadaptation économique et socioprofessionnelle des villes de taille moyenne et petite du sud-est de la Roumanie. Ensuite sont présentées les options de développent liées au pronostic d’une génération active. Puis on a une analyse réalisée par Ana Maria Schwab, visant le travail et l’habitation au centre du New York du début du XXème siècle (Living and working in Manhattan at the beginning of the 20th century). Revenant à la Roumanie, Răzvan Alexandru Boagiu développe une analyse intéressante sur la relation entre le bien et le mal, le système de valeurs, et la migration rurale-urbaine de la Roumanie. Le repeuplement de certaines villes en Roumanie pendant la dernière vingtaine d’années souligne une modification du système de valeurs en ce qui concerne le rapport entre les jeunes générations actives envers leur ville adoptive et les réactions face à la pression du potentiel changement de métier, presque inconnu aux générations passées. Marius Solon propose ensuite une analyse urbaine détaillée visant la stratégie planifiée des projets urbains à propos de l’Interstice riverain-urbain de la rivière Colentina, au nord du Bucarest. Le dossier continue avec un travail sur la capacité de la société Britannique d’améliorer les relations avec les citoyens de religion musulmane. Suit Pîrvu Silviu Vlad et son papier, « Les Musulmans de la Grande Bretagne, entre intégration et ségrégation. A la fin nous avons l’exemple d’une autre société urbaine et culturelle, qui a préféré centraliser ses stratégies urbaines. Teodor Şerbănesacu nous offre son analyse du Problème de l’urbanisation dans un Etat centralisé – une étude de cas sur la Chine. Les politiques urbaines peuvent être retrouvées comme élément fondamental de développent pour n’importe quelle communauté urbaine, et, en fonction de leur réussite, peuvent mener a l’élévation du niveau de confort socioprofessionnel et édilitaire-urbain.

(Version en francaise Eliana Radu)

Editorial: Städtische Politiken - Autor: dr. Adrian Majuru (Deutsch)

Die Stadt ist die Widerspiegelung verschiendener Strategiepolitiken, was die Entwicklung der sozial-profesionellen, demographischen, ökonomischen, kulturellen und administrativ-städtischen Plattform betrifft. In der Zeitspanne 1933-1940 war die erste produktive Periode der städtischen Politiken, für Bukarest zum Beispiel. In dieser Zeit wurde auf administrativ-städtischem Niveau das bukarester Zentrum entworfen (die Boulevards auf der Norden-Süden und Osten-Westen Achse, moderne Hotels, Läden, Firmenbüros, Cafes, Büffets und Restaurants usw.) Die Amtszeit des Bürgermeisters Dem. I Dobrescu (1929-1934) was der Ausgangspunkt dieses administrativen Modernisierungsprozesses. Er befand sich in einer ständigen Konfrontierung mit der alten „unendlichen und unheilbaren” Alltäglichkeit der Bukarester und bestritt diejnigen, die der Meinung waren, man brauche eine neue Hauptstadt, entweder bei Baneasa (Bucurestii noi war ein solches Projekt) oder gar in einem anderen Teil des Landes (Kronstadt wurde zwischen 1927-1930 bevorzugt). Nach Dem. I. Dobrescu haben auch die Bürgemeister, Al. Gh. Donescu (1934-1938) und der General Victor Dombrovski (1938-1940) diese städtischen Modernisierungspolitik übernommen und weitergeführt. Bukarest sollte zu der „kulturellen Metropole des Balkans” werden und musste ein kosmopolitisches Element in sich tragen, wie alle europäische Städte. In diesem Sinne wurden bis 1930, nur in drei Jahren, zwei neue Parks hergerichtet: Snagov „mit 3000 Äcker säkulerem Wald und Baneasa mit 250 Äcker”. Aus dieser Zeit stammen diese Regionen, die als Freizeitorte dienen. Freizeitorte wurden auch in dem Pustnicu-Wald neben Cernica eingerichtet und das Parkprojekt in Valea Plangerii (heute Tineretului-Park) wurde festgelegt. Um die Parkregion zu erweitern „habe ich heute mit dem Staat eine Vereinbarung geschlossen: alle Wälder in einem Umkreis von 40 km werden der Hauptstadt zur Verfügung gestellt”. Genehmigungen wurden für die „notwendigen Einrichtungen und für alle Baulichkeiten für Freizeit und städtische Gesundheitswesen” eingeholt. Damit waren die folgenden Wälder gemeint: Comana, Plumbuita, Ţigăneşti, Căldăruşani, Gruiu und andere (Constantin Argetoianu). Die ersten Bäder werden eingerichtet. Dieses Projekt brachte Dem. I. Dorbescu vehemente Angriffe der Konservativen der „öffentlichen Moral” ein (und das nur vor 60 Jahren!). Somit wurde der Bürgermeister zu einem gewaltigen „Verderber der Sitten unserer Stadt” . Anfang 1935 beginnen die Seen im Norden der Haupstadt verwertet zu werden. Sie wurden trocken gelegt und an ihrer Stelle wurden Parks eingerichtet oder neue Stadtviertel gebaut: Baneasa, Herastrau, Floreasca, Colentina. Ein Projekt, das nicht zu Ende geführt wurde (nicht das einzige), bestand darin, den Verkehr vom „Buffet zur Jianu und Oberst Ghica-Straße umzuleiten” mit dem Ziel, die Kiseleff-Straße in einer Fußgängerzone umzuwandeln. Entlang dieser Achse wurde der Nationalpark in der Zeitspanne 1936-1940 eingerichtet (heute Herastrau-Park, durch die Eröffnung des Dorfmuseums in 1936 und später des Pescarus-Restaurants verschönert). Ein anderes Projket für die nähere Zukunft war die Vereinigung des Botanischen Gartens (1935 eröffnet) mit dem Cotroceni-Palast Park, um daraus „unseren Zoo zu machen”. Das Königsschloss sollte auf dem Piscului Hügel errichtet werden, „in dem schönsten bukarester Viertel” (heute in der Gegend des Polivalent-Saales). Trotzdem wurde auf dem Piscului-Hügel ein Skiort eingerichtet der „von der ganzen Haupstadt leidenschaftlich” besucht wurde. Keine Begräbnisse sollten in dem Bellu-Friedhof mehr stattfinden, damit er zu einem Museum werden konnte, aber auch um dem „Bedürfnis der Lebenden nach Schönheit und Luft” entgegenzukommen. Ein wichtigerer Grund war aber die Tatsache, dass sich der Friedhof jetzt nicht mehr außerhalb des Stadt befand und somit zu einer „großen Gefahr für die danebenwohnende Bevölkerung wurde”. Die Planung für das Vacaresti Boulevard wurde duchgeführt, die naheliegende Hügel sollten bewaldet werden, „um den Bukarestern schnell einen wirklich schönen Spaziergangsort” anzubieten. Auf der anderen Seite „plante ich, dort (auf dem Piscului-Hügel), die Universitätsburg zu errichten, die die Stundenten isolieren soll, um sie von den Lebensversuchungen der großen Städte fernzuhalten.” Im Tal des Universitätsviertels, das sich auf dem”Pisc”-Hügel befinden sollte, würden sich „künstliche Parks und Seen, die einfach zu realisieren waren” befinden. Leider wurde für dieses Projekt ein anderes Viertel bevorzugt und nämlich dasjenige neben der Juristischen Fakultät, wo sich heute die Studentenwohnheime befinden. Ein neues Projekt für die Grozavesti-Zone wurde in die Wege geleitet. Also nichts Neues unter der Sonne! Der Patriarchie-Hügel entkam nicht den administrativen Projekten. Da er als „die einzige schöne Region aus der Stadtmitte” betrachtet wurde, wollte man ihn erweitern und ihn in einem rumänischen Vatikan umwandeln. Die Arbeiten auf der 11 Juni Straße waren schon im Gang, als die „Umständen sie zum Halten gebracht haben”, und das Modell blieb bei der Patriarchie. Gemäß des Projektes, musste sich der Patrierchie-Hügel in der Achse eines Vorplatzes befinden, der die jetzige Alee bis zur Sfanta Vineri Kirche verlängern sollte. Das Vacaresti-Kloster „mit seiner wunderschönen Aussicht, mit dem schönen Vacaresti-Boulevard, könnte als Residenz für unsere Patriarchie dienen”, deren religiösen Institutionen auf dem Patriarchie-Hügel „sehr eng nebeneinander” lagen. Aber das was als „Hoffnung unserer Stadt” bezeichnet werden konnte, war der „Dambovita Vorplatz, der durch die Bedeckung des Flussbettes entstehen konnte. Wir werden einen monumentalen Vorplatz einrichten, den viele andere Städte aus der Welt nicht haben können. Er wird die Stadt lüften, er wirt den städtischen Wert erhöhen und er wird den Verkehr unserer Hauptstadt erleichtern” (…) Unter dem Dambovita-Fluss werden wir die Untergrundbahn bauen (das U-Bahn Projekt stammt also aus den `30 Jahren), die das Waren- und Personenverkehr erleichtern wird. Mit der Dambovita-Untergrundbahn werden wir die Bahnhöfe inmitten der Stadt bauen können, unter der Erde (…); somit können wir das Problem der Bahnübergänge, die sehr das Verkehr unserer Stadt behindern, lösen.” Der Plan wurde genehmigt , und in einer ersten Etappe sollte der Dambovita Fluss zwischen der Serban Voda Straße und dem Justizpalast bedeckt werden „oben mit vorläufigen Räumen und unten mit Lagerhäusern”. Das Projekt könnte sich 15 Jahren selbst finanzieren und mit den Einkommen nach dem Ablauf dieses Termins, könnte sich langsam die Finanzierung fortsetzen (Constantin Argetoianu). Calea Victorei blieb „ein herabstufender Punkt unerer Haupstadt” sodass dafür eine 22 Meter Breite festgelegt wurde. Die Gebäude im Bereich Hotel Continental -Palastplatz und Calea Victoriei – Academiestraße sollten abgerissen werden, um an ihrer Stelle „einen schönen Vorplatz” zu bauen. Man wollte selbst auf dem Vacaresti Hügel oder auf dem Arsenal-Hügel das Denkmal von Adam-Clisi errichten, um ihn später in einen „nationalen Pantheon” zu verwandeln. Somit konnte der Hügel zu einem Attraktionspunkt für Touristen werden, und würde der Haupstadt ein „echt prägnantes Charakteristikum” verleihen. Auch wenn einzelne Stücke des Denkmals nach Bukarest gebracht wurden, kam das Projekt nie zustande.(conditionala ireala) Der Universitätsplatz sollte zu einem „Corso werden, um die Stadtbevölkerung, die sich auf den anderen Straßen drängt, zu locken”. Eine Verwirklichung dieses Projektes in kleineren Maßen gab es doch: zwischen dem Universitätsplatz und dem Mihail Kogalniceanu Platz öffneten sich Kinos, Cafes, Bierhäuser und Restaurants (Corso, Gambrinus, Cismigiu). Bemerkenswert bleibt das Projekt für die Lipscani Straße und ihre Gegend. Die Lipscani Straße wollte man erweitern und in einer Bogengangstraße umwandeln. Die Straße sollte „mit Glas bedeckt werden, um den Lufteingang zu verhindern. Sie sollte zum Corso der weiblichen Eleganz werden. (…) Auf diesem Elegenzcorso aus der Lipscanistraße könnte man die Imitation und die Emulation der Koquetten festlegen, daraus ergäbe sich die Vervollkommung der Eleganz. Die natürliche Eleganz der rumänischen Frauen würde schnell aus Bukarest ein Ausbreitungsszentrum der Eleganz im Balkan machen”. Gegen 1940 gehen die städtischen Projekte für Bukarest weiter, sie werden immer ehrgeiziger. Man nahm sich vor, die unbebauten Grundstücke gänzlich abzuschaffen und an ihrer Stelle monumentale Plätze, Gärten, Grünanlagen und Parks einzurichten.

  Auf den Straßen der Haupstadt sollten „Karren, Pferdewagen oder Kutschen” nicht mehr fahren. Die Stromleitungen sollten „bis zu einem Umfeld von 30-40 km, rund um die Hauptstadt” erweitert werden. Mitten in der Stadt sollte die Untergrundbahn eingeführt werden (Marcel Iancu). Den Großen Markt (Unirii) wollte man „gänzlich” abschaffen (sowie auch die anderen Märkte). Anstelle des großen Marktplatzes „richtet sich der Ausblick von der Patriarchie auf einen großen Platz, mit einem großen Denkmal (heute befindet sich so ein Projekt im Gang und nämlich die Errichtung der Kathedrale Mantuirea Neamului”); die Versorgung erfolgt nur durch „Lagerhäuser, die sich in verschiedenen Stadtvierteln befinden” (diese Lagerhäuser werden die bekannten „Hungerzirkusse” sein und heute finden wir an ihrer Stelle die Großhandelsunternehmen außerhalb der Stadt.). Die Kiosks, Verkaufsbuden und Hütten müssten abgeschafft werden. Interessant zu erwähnen ist die Tatsache, dass die Universitätszone und die Gegend der Einlagen- und Überweisungskasse (heute C.E.C) Zielpunkte von Phantasieprojekten waren. Diese Projekte bestanden in dem Erbauen von „Attraktionszentren” wie „monumentale Blockhäuser von 14-20 Stockwerke”, eine Tatsache die für Bukarest der Zwischenkriegszeit erstaunlich war, aber nicht unmöglich, wenn wir an den Telefonpalast denken. Auf dieser Weise bleiben Gebäude wie die Universität, die Einlagen- und Überweisungskassa, das Rumänische Athäneum, der Militär-Palast „nur bescheidene Errinerungen an einer entfernten und längst vergessenen Vergangenheit“. Diese Projekte betrachtete man gegen Ende unseres Jahrhunderts als vollendet. Heute können wir diese Projekte als realisiert betrachten, wenn wir an die U-Bahn denken, an die Einrichtung des Dambovita Flusses, an den Vacaresti-Boulevard aber vor allem an die Universitätszone und an die Einlagen- und Überweisungskassa-Zone, wo große Hochhäuser zu finden sind (das Intercontinental-Hotel und das Bancorex Gebäude). Warum sind aber viele von diesen Projekten vor 80 Jahren nicht zustande gekommen? Eine Antowrt gibt Dem. I. Dobrescu, in der Zeitschrift „Viitorul Bucurestilor” (Tribuna Ediliara Verlag, Bukarest, 1934). Die Situation ist sehr komplex und hängt von mehreren Faktoren ab, die in dem Bukarest der Zwischenkriegszeit zu finden sind. Das erste Problem, war der Bukarester, der „seinen bescheidenen Bauercharakter, aus dem er stammt, nicht losgeworden ist. Die Bukarester sind anarchisch gegenüber einer wirklichen Autorität und unterwürfig gegenüber einer mißbräuchlichen Autorität. Die Bukarester sind die Abkommen der alten Leibeigenen, die mit der Zeit die ganze Demütigung des Sklaven gegenüber dem Herren in sich gesammelt haben. Die Bukarester leiden an einer seelischen Leibeigenheit“ (Horia Creanga). Also handelt es sich um ein Mentalitätsproblem. Eine moderne Stadt wurde auf ein dörfliches Seelengrund mit seinen mentalen Accessoires, gebaut worden. Deshalb, bis zur Bildung eines gemeinsamen und modernen Seelengrunds, „können wird nichts Ernstes in der Seele des Bukarester gründen”. Der Bukarester ist undiszipliniert und unangepasst „zum sozialen Räderwerk, er ist unfähig dauernde Arbeit zu leisten. Daraus ergibt sich auch seine professionelle Unstetigkeit. In keiner anderen Stadt auf der Welt finden wir so viel Straßenhandel, so viele Mittelsmänner, Schuhputzer, Kartenspieler, Kiebitze und Beamten. In keiner anderen Stadt finden wir so wenige Fachmänner, die ihr Handwerk vom Vater zum Sohn geerbt haben…Die bukarester Fachmänner erzielen die Treffer” (”N.D.Cocea). Die änderungsfeindliche Mentalität findet man in den von den Kaufläuten verschickten Briefen wieder. Diese konnten die Sauberkeit auf dem Marktplatz „kaum ertragen” : „Wozu die Sauberkeit, Herr Bürgermeister? Wir haben jahrhundertelang besser in Schmuz gelebt als heute in Sauberkeit”. Solche Aussagen findet man in allen literarischen Werken der Zwischenkriegszeit. Hier erwähnen wir: N.D.Cocea, Pentr-un petec de negreaţă und Jurnal; Cezar Petrescu, Calea Victoriei; Petru Dumitriu, Cronică de familie; usw. Ein anderes Problem besteht darin, dass „das öffentliche Geld noch nicht die notwendige Disziplin erworben hat, in der öffentlichen Schatzkammer zu gehen.” Deshalb musste der Bürgermeister Dem. I. Dobrescu mehrmals eingreifen, um die große Schulden verschiedener Gesellschaften beim Rathaus zurückzugewinnen; der Bürgermeister meinte mit Recht, dass es lange dauern wird, „bis das öffentliche Geld den Weg zur öffentlichen Schatzkammer lernen wird”(Constantin Argetoianu). Hinter diesen entfernten aber immergültigen Anhaltspunkten, besteht immernoch die zeitliche Komplementarität zwischen der Theoretisierung einiger Projekte (auch auf einem utopischen Niveau) vor mehr als 50 Jahren und ihrer praktischen Realisierung vor Jahren, eine Tatsache die ihre administrativ-städtische Durchführbarkeit beweist. Auf diese Weise können wir behaupten dass, wenigstens aus einer administrativ-städtischen Perpektive, eine organische Einheit entstanden ist, zwischen der jungen Generation der ´30 und ´40 Jahren und die von heute, mit einer bestimmten Art von europäischen Integration als Hauptobjektiv: die Perpektive eines modernen Städtebaus. Die heutigen Probleme der Architekten, was der Städtebau betrifft, sind von denjenigen der älteren Generationen nicht verschieden. Wenigstens für die Jugend außerhalb Bukarest, hat die Haupstadt ein „Alter ohne europäischem Umlauf”, sie erscheint als eine „flüchtige Irrealität, eine Fata Morgana, ein Phantasma, das nie einen Körper hatte”, die sich als „verweigerte Metropole” bestimmt. Auf der anderen Seite wird Bukarest als „Erfindung” würdig eines „narzisstischen Größenwahnsinnigen von paranoischen Herkunft” empfunden. In den letzten 25 Jahren entwickeln sich die Strategien der städtischen Politik weiter, sowohl zum pädagogischen als auch zum praktischen Zweck (Jan Gehl&Birgitte Svarre, 2015). In derselben Zeit macht diese Politik das Objekt wichtiger Forschungsthemen. Das den städtischen Politiken gewidmete Dossier öffnet sich mit Amalia Badescus Synthese mit Verweis auf den Monoindustriellen Zonen aus der südlichen Region Muntenias, eine Region zu der nicht nur Bukarest, sondern auch ein Teil der osteuropäischen Peripherie gehört. Wir haben eine detaillierte Analyse der ökonomischen und sozio-profesionellen Rehabilitation der kleinen und mittleren Städte aus dem Südosten Rumäniens. Danach werden hier die Entwicklungsoptionen auf die Prognose einer aktiven Generation dargestellt. Darauf folgt die Analyse von Ana Maria Schwab, die sich auf die Arbeit und Wohnen im Zentrum New Yorks vor 100 Jahren bezieht (Living and working in Manhattan at the beginniung of the twentieth century). Zu Rumänien zurückkehrend, führt Razvan Alexandru Boagiu eine interessante Analyse in seiner Studie Între bine şi rău, sistemul de valori şi migraţia rural-urban în România (Zwischen Gut und Böse, das Wertsystem und die ländlich-städtische Migration in Rumänien). Die Neubevölkerung verschiedener Städte aus Rumänien in den letzten 20 Jahren deutet auch auf eine Änderung des Wertensytems hin, was die Beziehung der jungen Generationen zur Adoptivstadt betrifft und auf die Reaktionen wegegenüber dem von der Wiederprofessionalisierung geübten Druck, den vergangenen Generationen fast unbekannt. Marius Solon schlägt danach eine Analyse des städtischen Details vor und bezieht sich auf die planifizierte Strategie der städtebaulichen Projekte zum Thema Interstiţiul riveran-urban al rîului Colentina (Städtischer Zwischenraum am Rand des Colentina-Flusses), der sich im Norden Bukarest befindet. Das Dossier wird mit der Studie der Fähigkeit der britanischen Gesellschaft die Beziehungen zu den moslemischen Bürger zu verbessern, fortgesetzt: dazu die Studie des Forschers Pîrvu Silviu Vlad: Musulmanii din Marea Britanie, între integrare şi segregare (Die Moslems in Großbritanien, zwischen Integration und Absonderung). Im Abschluss haben wir das Beispiel einer anderen städtischen und kulturellen Gesellschaft, die die Zentralisierung der städitischen Strategien bevorzieht . Dazu schlägt Teodor Şerbănesacu seine Studie Problema urbanizării în statul centralizat. Studiu de caz China (Die Problematik der Verstädterung im zentralisieten Staat. Fallstudie China) als Lektüre vor. Die städtliche Politiken sind als Basiselement der Entwicklung aller städtischen Gesellschaften wiederzufinden. Nur von ihrem Erfolgt hängt die Perpektive einer Stadt mit mehr sozio-profesioneller und administrativ-städtischen Bequemlichkeit ab.

(Ubersetzung in Deutsch von Cristina Mărculeţ-Petrescu)

Living and working in manhattan at the beginning of the twentieth century - Author: dr. Anamaria Schwab, independent researcher


Articolul de faţă discută chestiuni legate de locuirea în cartierele sărace, muncitoreşti şi munca în primele decade ale secolului al douăzecelea în Manhattan, New York, aşa cum apar descrise în romanul Dreamland de romancierul american Kevin Baker, publicat în 1999. Lucrarea analizează spaţiul oraşului şi transformările acestuiaîntr-o perioadă de avânt al capitalismului şi al industrialismului, punându-le în legătură cu ideea de maturizare şi emancipare a personajului principal feminin din roman.

Cuvinte cheie: Manhattan, începutul secolului al douăzecelea, penurie, viaţa cotidiană, locuire, cartiere muncitoreşti, munca la domiciliu, fabrica, emancipare.

Zonele monoindustriale în regiunea sud Muntenia - Autor: Amalia Balescu


This study begins by using the term mono-industrial town or monotown. Localities of this type are defined as those dominated by a single industry, associated with the communist planned economy period, when many of them depended on a single economic agent.

After 1989, following contraction of industrial activity or even closures, these villages were affected in socially and economically in particular, some of them being declared disadvantaged areas.

This paper refers to both local and regional development, and more specifically to small monotowns or rural localities with a specialized mono-economy based on industry. In addition it explores the avenues for local development within a regional context. The study aims to analyze the evolution of socio-economic development of these mono-industrial localities, the current degree of development, and the present economic role they have, in order to characterize types of mono-industrial areas and to propose a scenario to help revitalize disadvantaged areas.

Keywords: disadvantaged areas mono-industrial economy, regional specialized economy, regional development.

Între bine şi rău: sistemul de valori şi Migraţia rural-urban în România -Autor: Răzvan Alexandru BOAGIU


Values are a socio-psychological concept that contribute to the human motivational system. Although they can be an intrinsic source of behaviors and attitudes, they are not innate but socially acquired through a process of introspection. Values relate to what people think it is good or bad – they are a concept related to existentialism and explain, among other things, the causes of low birth rates in Romania.

Romania is a largely collectivist country and values traditionalism [authority, intolerance, religiosity], where conformity and security are highly active.

The relationship of the first generation of migrants to the village is still strong. However, in the last 6-7 years, materialistic values began to be replaced by post-materialist ones, but the process is much slower than in other western European countries and Romania has a different value pattern than other former communist countries. The totalitarian regime has been characterized, among other things, by a strong migration from the village to the city, a process accompanied by pseudo-modernization of the country as a whole. Lack of autonomy, among other values such as authority and conformism, was a central element of the communist regime; value change in communism was not complete, despite the efforts made by management. The period 1960 to1990 was extremely important to internal migration: the small degree of change in the value of rural-urban migrants can be explained by their large number, who coming to the city, have had to adapt very little to the social environment because of the massive social ruralisation of cities. In comparison with other countries, Romanian cultural shock has not been extreme, and this situation is likely still true for new migrants.

Keywords: values; traditionalism; mentality; migration; urban environment; culture; modernism; communism; religion; attitude; behavior.

Problema centralizării în statul centralizat – Studiu de caz China - Autor: Teodor Şerbănescu


                Since the Cultural Revolution of the 60s and 70s, the Chinese state has undertaken a number of social and economic reforms aimed at building a cooperative society, where rapid industrialization and urbanization have had a major impact on the settlement system.

                The pace of these reforms failed to make up for the increased population growth in the same period, thus providing livelihood for the population became problematic, especially in rural areas where agriculture has remained at the subsistence level. Measures taken by the Chinese state, even in times of liberalization and openness to foreign markets, only managed to further restrict development opportunities of rural residents, condemning to underdevelopment a millennial civilization. The disintegration of rural China today is manifested through isolated villages affected by high levels of poverty and restricting the rights in relation to urban residents. Given the dependence of villages on the central administrative decision-making apparatus, corruption of officials has become a generalized phenomenon, committing abuses on peasants deprived of many legal forms of defense.

            Keywords: urbanization, industrialization, desakota, social inequality, disparities

Musulmanii din Marea Britanie între integrare și segregare - Autor: urb. Pîrvu Silviu-Vlad


In the current context of globalization and enhanced mobility, new social and cultural problems arise. Currently there are multidimensional challenges related to resistance to change of the Muslim community in a socio-cultural environment based on British European principles, namely, diversity and tolerance for ethnic, religious and sexual minorities.

This brings to an imbalance to the inclusion of the Muslim population in the value, socio-economic and cultural systems. Sharp population growth and migration for economic or political considerations (war affected areas) are the main factors causing this imbalance.

The labor market (especially in port cities) and openness to diversity and inclusion has catalyzed waves of migration for the past 300 years. But with most basic needs (food, shelter, security) met, population growth and the need for communities whose environment, requirements, rigors and rules are compatible with Sharia and the Quran, determined vulnerability, social instability and problems of tolerance both sides.

Keywords: population growth, discrimination, social inclusion, cultural integration, migration, Muslims, segregation, sharia

The commemoration of children in Dobrogea between the IVth century b.c. and ivth century A.D. Author: Raluca Iuliana Popescu


Prezentul text examinează fenomenul comemorării copiilor, precum şi implicaţiile socio-culturale ale acestui proces în coloniile greceşti şi cetăţiile romane din Dobrogea. Simbolul vizibil al acestei practici, monumentul funerar, era destinat atât să păstreze imaginea defuncţilor în memoria semenilor, cât şi să indice statutul social al familiei din care făcea parte. Una dintre problemele ridicate de această cercetare este dată de nivelul scăzut de reprezentare al copiilor într-o perioadă în care mortalitatea infantilă atingea cote foarte mari.

Cuvinte cheie: comemorare, monumente funerare, copii, civilizaţia greacă şi romană.

Este posibilă înţelepciunea artificială? Câteva elemente umano-procedurale ale unui Sistem Informatic Geografic - Autor: as. ing. Angelo M. Morassi


                ”There can be no doubt about it: GIS is more than a software package typical of word processing, spreadsheet, computer-aided design, and other popular computer products that one buys, installs, and learns how to use. Where, for example, does one obtain the map and attribute data to utilize the spatial query and spatial analysis capabilities of GIS? How does one ensure that the maps and data will be current and easy to obtain when they are needed? These are questions that users of those other software products do not ask, for they create the data needed in those products – all they have to do is to learn the commands and capabilities of the particular package they are using. They do not depend on others to create, update, and ensure that the data they need to solve their problems or help them understand issues related to locations on the earth are available when they are needed.”[1]

            Key words:  planning, artificial intelligence, technology, Canadian computer system

[1] Huxhold, W. E., Levinsohn, A. G., Managing Geographic Information System Projects, p. XI

Semana Santa La Valladolid - Autor: Cătălin D. Constantin

In Spain, important processions take place during the Holy Week: the statuary groups representing scenes from the life of Jesus are taken out of churches and monasteries and slowly worn on city streets, accompanied by huge crowds of locals. Two regions stand out in this process. Andalusia in the south. Castilla y Leon, in north-central Spain. If cities of Andalusia attract plenty of tourists during this period, the processions of Castilla y León are primarily manifestations of locals and foreign visitors are present only incidentally. Less colorful and noisy than those in Andalusia, Castilla y Leon processions are more interesting for an anthropologist eye.

The author observed directly, during three weeks in 2010, the preparations and then the processions in Valladolid. 2010 was a symbolic year, it was the celebration of 200 years since the very first procession on Good Friday took place in a very particular context: the city was for the first and the only time in its history under foreign occupation. Napoleon had set his camp there and his troops hesitated upon putting a ban on processions or grouping them all in one day, to easily control the crowds. Although born in a very restrictive context, the procession on Good Friday, climax and spectacular summary of the processions of Semana Santa in Valladolid, resisted and gained tradition.

The article chiefly analyzes the relationship between  the procession route and the symbolic  space of the city.

Keywords: Semana Santa, Spain, ritual, anthropolgy of space, procession, symbol, sacred space

Corelaţia dintre durata şi calitatea vieţii copiilor şi mamelor în raport cu egalitatea de şanse privind accesul la serviciile de sănătate din românia - Aspecte antropologice - Autori: Dr. Andrei Kozma , Dr. Ecaterina Stativa


„Investiţia în dezvoltarea timpurie a copilului este cheia sănătăţii, bunăstării şi a prosperităţii unei populaţii“

James Hackman – Nobel (economie) 2007

Present work explores how socio-economic conditions of the environment, in which children live, differ regarding the right to normal health care and its effect on the duration and quality of life..

In the last 25 years, studies on nutritional status of women and children in Romania showed a progressive polarization of life chances and healthness, according to the environmental standard conditions of living. These inequalities were generated by differential influence on the living environment, respectively an unequal distribution of resources, between urban and rural areas. Consequently we have, an increasing number of socially disadvantaged people who have less access to preventive, curative or for recovery care.

This paper treats the issues related to life expectancy (longevity), the quality of life in terms of food from pre and postnatal period – both in terms of child and mother – differentiated by urban/ rural by taking into analysis their effects on the future development of the child, such as anemia.

It is also analyzed the evolution of the health system, during 1990-2013, with its effects on equality of access to health care today – for mother and child.

The conclusion reached by the authors, suggests that if urgent action is not taken – in the sense of shrinkage of artificial differences created by human behaviors – concerning the environment – by coherently interconnected health policies with other sectors such as education; in time, these phenomena will increase the burden of social spiral.

Equalization chances to health and education through disappearance and / or shrinking of the disparities between the urban and rural environement, beginning from the young ages, is one of the most important preconditions for the welfare and prosperity of populations.

Key words: antropologie, longevitate, alăptare la sân, educaţie prenatală, anemie, egalitate de şansă în sănătate

Dr. Andrei Kozma: PhD., CS III, MDD; Romanian Academy of Scientists; Anthropological Comitee of Romanian Academy; Institute of Mother and Child Care “Prof.Dr.Alfred Rusescu”; Academical Society of Anthropology;

Dr. Ecaterina Stativa: PhD., CS I / senior researcher; “Institute of Mother and Child Care “Prof. Dr. Alfred Rusescu”; Academical Society of Anthropology;

The Urban Anthropology Journal No.5 (2015)


Revista de Antropologie Urbană Nr.5
The Urban Anthropology Journal - No.5 (2015) - CONTENTS
  • The Urban Anthropology Journal – No.5 (2015) – CONTENTS
  • Editorial – Author: Marius Turda (Oxford Brookes University) (English)
  • Leitartikel – Author: Marius Turda (Oxford Brookes University) (German)
  • Editorial: Auteur: Marius Turda (Oxford Brookes University) (French)
  • Girls, Doctors and Institutions: Eugenics and Medical Institutionalisation in Interwar Cluj – Author: Zsuzsa Bokor
  • Saxon Eugenics and the Remodelling of Carcinogenic Cities in the Interwar Period – Author: Tudor Georgescu (Oxford Brookes University)
  • The Protection of Mothers and Children as a Eugenic Measure in Ljubljana – Author: Ana Cergol-Paradiž (University of Ljubljana)
  • Pioneers rarely triumph? Voluntary Marriage Counselling and Venereal Disease in the Greater Budapest Area, 1920s-1950 – Author: Gábor Szegedi (Wiesenthal Institute, Vienna)
  • Population, Urbanisation and Eugenics in Athens, 1950s-1960s – Author: Alexandra Barmpouti (Oxford Brookes University)
  • Pauperism and Eugenics in Bethnal Green (East London), 1910-1933 – Author: Simon J. Wilson (Oxford Brookes University)
  • Disability and the Legacy of Eugenics in 1950s London – Author: Hanna Choudhury (Oxford Brookes University)
  • The Pro-Natalist Power of Urban and Social Planning in Greenbelt, Maryland, 1935-1940 Mark Galt (Oxford Brookes University)
  • The Elusive Nature of Racial Degeneration in Urban Romania, 1870-1910 – Author: Constantin Bărbulescu (University of Cluj)
  • Biodiversity in Francisc J. Rainer’s Anthropological Research – Author: Adrian Majuru (Ion Mincu University of Architecture and Urbanism, Bucharest)
  • Sex and the City: The Pains and Pleasures of being Modern in Europe, 1880s-1930s – Author: Maria Sophia Quine (University of East Anglia)

Editorial - Author: Marius Turda (Oxford Brookes University) (English)

The legacy of 20th-century eugenics has propelled fresh research into a myriad of international ideological movements, professional networks and population policies. As a result, scholars now know a great deal about the relationships between eugenic movements across the world – and the international networks that linked many of their protagonists. Although recent scholarship has focused increasingly on case studies outside of Western Europe, and their relationships with the established ones, less attention has yet been paid to other topics that intersected with eugenics such as population control, rural anthropology, religion, marriage and disability as well as social problems such as poverty and prostitution.


From its birth at the end of the nineteenth century, and wedded to the emergent knowledge about human heredity being uncovered by biology, anthropology and medicine, eugenics blended opposing visions of human improvement into a new form of scientific knowledge, one based on theories of evolution and heredity as well as population control. A much-desired racial regeneration was promised in the name of science. This was simultaneously a biological and political project. Eugenics fused hereditarian and cultural determinism with modern visions of a ‘new society’ and a ‘new man and woman’, insisting that both pursued the same goal: to heal the societal wounds torn open by modernity. Enclosed by the authority of the biological sciences, eugenics offered the vision of a new society able to withstand a perceived process of cultural decay and biological degeneration. Following a series of publications during the 1870s and 1880s, the British polymath Francis Galton had embarked on the formulation of a new scientific philosophy, which he termed eugenics, following an entrenched Victorian fascination with ancient Greek culture. He had hoped that the old order, sanctified by religion, would ultimately be replaced by secularisation and the growing acceptance of theories on evolution and heredity. Galton’s eugenic ideas were hardly original. The main tenets of eugenics derived equally from Classical and Christian philosophies of history, and from nineteenth-century theories of evolution and progress, especially the work of Charles Darwin, Thomas Malthus and Herbert Spencer. Believing in the growing acceptance of Darwinism, and thus of a new scientific doctrine about the origins of man, Galton envisaged a leading role for biological and statistical sciences in deciding the future of humanity. Like other Victorian scientists, Galton was convinced that there was a human subject in history and that there was the need for its social and biological improvement. This singular focus on the history of the individual, on origins and ancestry, was repeated habitually whenever the corporeality of the eugenic subject was questioned. Human body was thus viewed as a synthesis of biology and history in which the transient physicality of the present intersected previous trajectories of inheritance. Galton recommended that eugenic regeneration become a systematic, ritualised practice, with the result that social harmony would be achieved after a few generations. With the onset of the twentieth century, the time had come, Galton believed, to establish the groundwork for the general reception of eugenics. Considering the growing admiration enjoyed by evolutionary science and positivism at the time, it is no surprise that eugenicists bravely posed as oracles of a new dawn in the history of humanity. Some believed to be the priests of a new scientific religion, not merely scientists in the narrow sense, but champions of a new biological utopia based on theories of human improvement. Thus portrayed, eugenics aimed to re-create society, both in terms of its quantity and its quality, according to a set of principles based on the laws of heredity as well as knowledge of the social and biological environment. The twin-headed movement for progress and hygiene was accompanied by the formulation of rhetorical, institutional and disciplinary strategies of social and medical protectionism. To this end, eugenics was consciously politicised and instrumentalised across ideological differences. The eugenic guardians of the nation came from both the Right and the Left of the political spectrum; it seduced feminists, socialists, nationalists, conservatives and fascists alike. Whatever their ideological reasons, eugenicists interpreted the Idea of Progress in the same way, namely as a redemptive historical process, one that would allow their society and nation to start anew from its own social and biological ruins, to be cleansed of its impurities. Indeed, in many countries across the world eugenics was first and foremost described as a hygienic programme devised to protect the society from a wide range of medical and social problems, from campaigns for healthy living to prostitution and medical screening for diseases. Yet, in offering scientific remedies to the alleged decline in the general population’s health, eugenics also provided a defensive biological strategy for particular social, sexual, and ethnic groups. Prompted by the need to protect and cure, in the wake of profound socio-political changes, eugenicists often employed discriminatory arguments in order to justify their visions of national improvement. For example, sterilisation was one of the medical vocabularies widely employed by eugenicists to articulate their concerns with the increased number of ‘unfit individuals’ within society. Sterilisation and negative eugenic measures more generally (such as the introduction of health certificates before marriage) were consistently used to question welfare programmes and protective social legislation on the grounds that such health reforms enabled the hereditarily unfit to survive, thereby weakening society and the race as a whole. With few notable exceptions, eugenicists were in general not interested in redeeming those deemed ‘unfit’, preferring to idealize the healthy individuals.

Within the emerging eugenic culture of the twentieth century, certain individuals and groups belonging to the ‘lower classes’ and ‘inferior races’ found themselves rejected and stigmatised, decisively transforming representations of individuals in terms of their racial quality. To this effect, eugenics created a system of ‘internal cleansing’, according to which those members of society deemed ‘unhealthy’, ‘diseased’, and ‘anti-social’ were separated from the ‘healthy’ majority and–as it happened under National Socialism in Germany–gradually exterminated.


This ‘dossier’ on eugenic subcultures focuses on the city and its environs. The short articles included here while engaging with the growing international discussion about eugenics, attempt to chart new territory by placing eugenics themes within the urban context in which they had originated. Reconstructing this institutional network linking the local, the regional, the national and the international is central to understanding how eugenic ideas travelled between the national and international stages, and how they were ultimately adopted or rejected. In doing so, this ‘dossier’ maps out the diversity of participants involved in national debates on religion, national health and population control, ranging from state institutions, churches and ethnic minorities to the general public in newspapers and local health initiatives. These national debated were as heated in a metropolis such as London as they were in the regional capitals across Eastern and Southern Europe (Ljubljana, Budapest, Bucharest, Cluj and Athens). The coverage here is intentionally international as only in its global context can eugenic ideas be fully investigated and the influences of both local and international agents on how and why eugenics emerged and evolved since the end of the nineteenth century be revealed. To approach this in its international context invites us to examine how eugenic ideas were mobilised, and how scientific networks aided their dissemination into the global market of ideas. While state institutions certainly played a key role in the development of eugenic projects and often take centre stage in research projects, they do so at the expense of investigations into the significance of outstanding individuals, intellectuals, professionals and social agencies. The city offers a particularly rewarding conceptual prism through which to interpret the dissemination of eugenic ideas. Whether in London during the 1910s, Budapest in the 1930s or Greenbelt, Maryland, during the 1940s, one can see how eugenics was shaped by the aggregated socio-cultural, religious, gender and economic factors that modern cities offer so plentifully. Considering the broad range of eugenic ideas in countries as diverse as the USA, Britain, Slovenia, Hungary, Romania and Greece, it soon becomes apparent that eugenics was an intrinsic part of a broad spectrum of new nation-building agendas, ranging from public health and social welfare to racial research. Eugenics, moreover, widely served as a vehicle for transmitting medical, social and cultural messages, reflecting modernity’s relationship with state-sponsored policy initiatives. Sometimes these initiatives transcended political differences or served opposing ideological camps. Eugenicists classified and utilised social, gender and national identities in a political climate where different biological and cultural definitions of the individual and the community competed for legitimacy. A more nuanced historical and critical approach is needed to study eugenics from a local and regional perspective. Histories of western and eastern European eugenics must be explored together in order to retrace the experience of eugenics between regions and states as well as within multi-ethnic boundaries. The reinterpretation of the eugenic experiences offered in this issue of Urban Anthropology is a fine example of how the history of eugenics can be comprehensively investigated and contextualised as the transnational phenomenon it undoubtedly was. Equally important, this ‘dossier’ brings together young scholars from Oxford Brookes University, who have either completed PhDs in the history of eugenics (Tudor Georgescu and Patrick Merricks) or are in the process of completing one (Alexandra Barmpouti, Hanna Choudhury, Simon Wilson and Mark Galt), and established scholars from the United Kingdom (Maria Sophia Quine), Romania (Adrian Majuru, Constantin Bărbulescu and Zsuzsa Bokor), Slovenia (Ana Cergol-Paradiž) and Hungary (Gábor Szegedi). This new generation of scholars of eugenics has the ability to innovate and improve upon existing scholarship through a truly international transfer of knowledge. This is not only evident in the broad geographical diversity of their research, but the intensity and frequency of scholarly interactions they are exposed to. In this and other respects, the overview of new research showcased here aims to build an encompassing framework of interpretation that transcends national boundaries that can serve to strengthen academic collaborations, while staying connected to political developments concerning racial and gender equality in the twentieth-first century.


The Wellcome Trust (Grant no.082802) and the AHRC (Grant no. AH/J00507X/1) provided essential financial assistance for which I am grateful. Finally, I should like to express my gratitude to Dr. Adrian Majuru for inviting me to contribute this ‘dossier’ to his nascent journal of Urban Anthropology. Special thanks are also due to Dr. Patrick Merricks and Mr. Simon Wilson for their editorial assistance.

Leitartikel - Author: Marius Turda (Oxford Brookes University) (Deutsch)

Die Erbschaft der Eugenik des 19. Jahrhunderts war ein Ansatzpunkt für neue Forschungen im Bereich der internationalen ideologischen Bewegungen, in der Beziehungssphäre zwischen professionellen Netzwerken und Bevölkerungspolitiken. Folglich sind die heutigen Historiker mit den eugenischen Bewegungen aus der ganzen Welt und mit den internationalen Vernetzungen, die viele ihrer Protagonisten verband, vertrauter geworden. Trotzdem haben sich die Historiker in der letzten Zeit eher mit Fallstudien außerhalb Westeuropa und ihre Beziehung zu den schon bekannten Fällen auseinandergesetzt. Deshalb schenkte man weniger Aufmerksamkeit den mit der Eugenik in Zusammenhang gebrachten Themen wie Bevölkerungskontrolle, ländliche und städtische Anthropologie, Religion, Ehe, Behinderte aber auch soziale Probleme wie Armut und Prostitution.


Die Eugenik steht in einem engen Zusammenhang mit der sich wandelnden Erkenntnis der menschlichen Vererbung durch an den vorgetragenen in der Biologie, Anthropologie und Medizin. Von den Anfängen bis hin zum Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts verkörperte die Eugenik eine neue Form des wissenschaftlichen Erkenntnis, durch die Vereinigung der menschlichen Verbesserungvorschläge. In diesem Kontext berücksichtigte man Theorien zur Evolution, Vererbung und Bevölkerungskontrolle. Eine viel ersehnte Rassenregeneration wurde auch im Namen der Wissenschaft versprochen. Diese Regeneration war ein biologisches sowie politisches Projekt. Der eugenische und kulturelle Determinismus und moderne Visionen einer „neuen Gesellschaft”, beziehungsweise einer neuen „Männer- und Frauentypologie”, hatten dasselbe Ziel: Die durch die Modernität verursachten Gesellschaftlichen Wunden zu heilen. Unter dem Schutz der soziale Autorität der biologischen Wissenschaft, bot die Eugenik die Vision einer neuen Gesellschaft die den kulturellen Zerfall und biologischen Degeneration überleben konnte. Der englische Wissenschaftler Francis Galton, nachdem er eine Reihe von Zeitschriften in der Zeitspanne 1870-1880 studiert hat, entwarf eine neue wisschenschaftliche Philosophie, die er Eugenik nannte, in Übereinstimmung mit der viktorianischen Faszination für das griechische Altertum. Er hoffte, dass die alte Ordnung, der Religion geweiht, letztendlich durch die Säkularisierung und die Akzeptanz der Evolution und Erbschaftstheorien ersetzt wird. Galtons eugenische Ideen waren an sich nicht originell. Die Grundprinzipien der Eugenik stammen, egalerweise, aus den klassischen und christlichen Philosophien und aus den Evolutions- und Fortschrittstheorien des 20. Jahrhunderts, vor allem von Charles Darwin, Thomas Malthus und Herbert Spencer. Galton glaubte an eine höhere Darwinismusakzeptanz und dadurch an einer neuen wissenschaftlichen Doktrine zur Abstammung des Menschen. Aus diesem Grund schlug Galton eine Verbesserung der Menschheit auf Basis der biologischen und statistischen Wissenschaften vor. Wie viele Forscher der viktorianischen Epoche war auch Galton davon überzeugt, dass nicht nur eine kulturelle und spirituelle Verbesserung des Menschen notwendig sei, sondern auch eine gesellschaftliche und biologische. Dieser eigenartige Ansatz betreffend der Geschichte des Individuums und seiner Herkunft wurde ständig in der Abhandlung über die Körperlichkeit des eugenischen Subjektes eingesetzt. Der menschliche Körper wurde als Synthese zwischen Biologie und Geschichte verstanden. Die vorübergehende Körperlichkeit der Gegenwart trifft auf den vorherigen Verlauf der Erblichkeit. Galtons Empfehlung war, die eugenische Regeneration in einer systematisch ritualisierten Praxis umzuwandeln, deren Ergebnis die Verwirklichung der gesellschaftlichen Harmonie nach einigen Generationen sein soll. Mit dem Aufbruch des 20. Jahrhunderts dachte Galton, dass die Zeit gekommen war das Fundament fuer eine breite Verinnerlichung der Eugenik zu legen. Wegen den zunehmenden Prestigegewinn der Evolutionswissenschaft und des Positivismus verstanden sich die Eugeniker arroganterweise als Prophten eines neuen Anfangs in der Geschichte der Menschheit. Einige von Ihnen sahen sich als Priester einer neuen wissenschaftlichen Religion, nicht nur bloße Wissenschaftler im engen Sinne des Wortes, sondern Meister einer neuen biologischen Utopie, die als Basis die Theorien über die menschlichen Verbesserung hatte. So verstanden, schlug die Eugenik vor, die Gesellschaft neu zu schaffen, was die Quantität und Qualität betrifft. Die Prinzipien wurden aus den Gesetzen der Erblichkeit und die Erkenntis des gesellschaftlichen Millieus herausarbeitet. Der Zusammenschluss der Bewegung für Fortschritt und Hygiene wurde von der Formulierung neuer rhetorischen, institutionellen und disziplinarischen Schutzstrategien in Hinblick auf Medizin und Gesellschaft begleitet. So wurde die Eugenik politisiert und von politischen Akteuren verwendet, trotz ideologischer Unterschiedlichkeiten. Die Wächter der Nation kamen sowohl aus der politischen Linken wie auch aus der Rechten; sie haben sowohl Feministen, Sozialisten, Nationalisten, Konservative und Faszisten verführt. Auch wenn sie durchaus verschiedene ideologische Gründe hatten, so haben die Eugeniker doch ihre jeweiligen Fortschrittsideen ähnlich interpretiert: als geschichtlicher Prozess für Wiedergeburt die der Gesellschaft und der Nation die Möglichkeit bieten konnte, das Leben aus den sozialen und biologischen Ruinen neu zu beginnen und von Verunreinigungen zu befreien. Die Eugenik wurde wahrhaft in vielen Ländern in erster Reihe als hygenisches Programm verstanden, dessen Rolle diejenige war, die Gesellschaft vor sozialen und biologischen Problemen zu schützen. Kampanien wurden gestartet, die als Ziel die Gesundheit der Prostituierten und die medizinische Kontrolle der Krankheiten hatten. Als Maßnahme gegen den Verfall der allgemeinen gesellschaftlichen Gesundheit, erarbeitete die Eugenik auch eine biologisch defensive Strategie um bestimmte gesellschaftliche, sexuelle und ethnische Gruppen zu schützen. Angetrieben von dem Wunsch zu heilen und abzuschirmen, vor allem in schwierigen sozialen und ökonomischen Situationen, benutzten die Eugeniker diskriminierende Argumente um ihre Verbesserungsvisionen zu rechtfertigen. Hier ist die Unfruchtbarmachung zu erwähnen, die von Eugenikern als medizinische Methode zur Minderung der gesellschaftlich inadäquater Individuenanzahl vorgeschlagen wurde. Die Sterilisierung und andere negative eugenische Methoden (z.B. die Einführung der vorehelichen ärztlichen Bescheinigungen) wurden als Argumente gegen die Fürsorgeprogramme und dem Sozialschutzgesetz vorgebracht. Der Grund dafür war das diese zwei Maßnahmen den überlebungsunfähigen Individuen halfen und dadurch die Gesellschaft und Rasse im allgemeinen schwächten.

  Mit wenigen Ausnahmen wollten die Eugeniker nicht „wertlose” Individuen retten und idealisierten die gesunden Individuen. Mit dem Aufbruch der Eugenik am Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts wurden bestimmte Gruppen und Individuen aus der „Unterschicht” oder „Unterrasse” ausgegrenzt und stigmatisiert. Somit wurde die Darstellung des Individuums von seinem rassialen Wert abhängig. Die Eugenik schuf ein System für die „interne Reinigung” indem die „ungesunde”, „kranke” und „asoziale” Miglieder von der „gesunden” Mehrheit abgetrennt wurden, oder gar auch vernichtet wie es in Nazi-Deutschland der Fall war.


Dieses „Dossier” der eugenischen Randkulturen bezieht sich auf die Stadt und ihrer Umgebung. Die Artikel die hier erwähnt werden spiegeln die internationalen Debatten über Eugenik wieder und versuchen zugleich eine neue Forschungssphäre zu schaffen indem die Themen der Eugenik im städtischen Kontext, wo viele Ihrer Inspirationsquellen liegen, durchleuchtet werden. Man muss das institutionelle Netz, das die lokalen, regionalen, nationalen und internationalen Sphären verbindet geschichtlich rekonstruieren um ein besseres Verständnis der Ursachen und Auswirkungen dieser breiten eugenischen Bewegung and Bewegungen, die ihrerseits selbst nationale und internationale Entwicklungsstufen durchliefen und von den örtlichen Kulturen angenommen oder verworfen wurden. In diesem Sinne skizziert das „Dossier” die Vielfältigkeit der Teilnehmer an den verschiedenen nationalen Debatten über Religion, nationale Gesundheit und Bevölkerungskontrolle, in Zusammenhang mit verschiedenen Institutionen: Staatsinstitutionen, Kirchen, Minderheiten, lokale Initiativen, was die Gesundheit betrifft. Diese Debatten waren gleichermassen intensiv, ob nun in Metropolen wie London oder in den Hauptstädten Ost- und Südeuropas (Ljubljana, Budapest, Bukarest, Klausenburg und Athen). Das Ziel dieser Forschung ist international, denn nur im globalen Kontext können die eugenischen Ideen vollständig aufgearbeitet und durchforscht werden. Auf diese Weise kann auch der Einfluss sowohl örtlichen wie auch internationalen Akteure aufgedeckt werden und in Zutun in der Entstehungsgeschichte der Eugenik und ihrer weiteren Entwicklung bis zum Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts verstanden werden. Die hier vorgebrachte Interpretation der Stadt als eugenische Leitmotiv zeigt die Art und Weise wie eugenische Ideen ausgearbeitet wurden und wie die wissenschaftliche Vernetzungen zu ihrer Verbreitung auf dem globalen Ideenmarkt geführt haben. Auch wenn die staatlichen Institutionen eine wichtige Rolle in der Entwicklung eugenischer Projekte gespielt haben, hatten die Intellektuellen und die professionellen und sozialen Agenturen und Organisationen auch einen großen Einfluss. Die Stadt bietet ein nützliches theoretisches Gerüst zur Bearbeitung eugenischer Theorien und ihrer Verbreitung. In London, 1910, Budapest, en 1920, Ljubljana, 1930 oder Greenbelt, Maryland, 1940, kann man gut nachvollziehen, wie die Eugenik von sozio-kulturellen, religiösen, geschlechtlichen, ökonomischen Faktoren, die modernen Städte reichlich anboten, gestaltet wurde. In Anbetracht der großen Ideenvielfalt der Eugenik in verschiedenen Ländern wie USA, England, Italien, Slowenien, Ungarn, Rumänien, oder Griechenland, wird uns schnell klar, dass die Eugenik ein Bestandteil nationalstaatlicher Modernisierungsprojekte war. Die eugenischen Methoden variierten von hygenischen Kontrollen, Programmen für das öffentliche Gesundheitwesen und gesellschaftlicher Wohlstand bis zur anthropologischen und rassischen Forschung. Weiter noch, die Eugenik war ein Vehikel für die Übertragung der medizinischen, sozialen, kulturellen Nachrichten und spiegelt den modernen Charakter der politischen Volksinitiativen wieder, die vom modernen Staat unterstützt wurden. Manchmal überwanden diese Initiativen politische Differenzen und bedienten auch ideologisch entgegengesetzte Lager. Die Eugeniker klassifizierten und benutzen gesellschaftliche, geschlechtliche und nationale Identitäten in einem politischen Klima in dem verschiedene Perspektiven zum Verständnis der biologisch und kulturell Definitierten Individuen und Gemeinschaften um Legitimität konkurrierten. Für das Studium der Eugenik aus örtlichen und regionalen Perspektiven ist eine nuancierte Herangehensweise aus historischen und kritischen Sichtpunkt notwendig Die geschichtliche Erkenntnis der Eugenik in sowohl West- wie auch Osteuropa müssen gemeinsam benutzt werden, um die Erfahrungen der Eugenik in bestimmten Regionen und Staaten wie auch innerhalb multiethnischen Zonengrenzen aufzuarbeiten. Das Mosaik verschiedener eugenischer Bewegungen und Erfahrungen die in dieser Nummer der Zeitschrift für Städtische Anthropologie bieten ein hervorragendes Beispiel dafür wie die Art und Weise wie die Geschichte der Eugenik ausführlich durchforscht werden kann, aber auch als Phänomen transnational kontextualisiert sein muss. Dieses Artikelsammlung vereint junge Historiker aus der Brookes University aus Oxford, die entweder in Eugenik promoviert haben (T. Georgescu und P. Merricks) oder ihre Promotion in Kürze ablegen werden (A. Barmpouti, H. Choudhury, S. Wilson und M. Galt). An der Recherche beteiligen sich auch anerkannte Historiker aus Großbritanien (Maria Sophia Quine), Rumänien (C. Bărbulescu şi Z. Bokor), Slowenien (A. Cergol-Paradiž) und Ungarn (G. Szegedi). Diese neue Generation meidizinhistorischer Historiker mit Schwerpunkt auf die Eugenik verdankt wahrlich vieles der grosszuegigen Foerderung durch Stipendien, die sowohl die Forschung wie auch den ebenso wichtigen internationalen Wissenstransfer ermöglichen. Diese Fähigkeit widerspiegelt sich nicht nur in der großen geographischen Vielfältigkeit der Forschung, sondern auch in der Intensität und die Frequenz der wissenschaftlichen, gemeinsamen Auseinandersetzung mit diesen Themen. Die Darlegung einer neuen, hier erwähnten Forschung nimmt sich vor, einen Rahmen für eine im Wesenskern transnationale Interpretierung zu bauen. Dieser Rahmen soll der Konsolidierung der akademischen Mitarbeit dienen, indem der Zusammenhang mit den politischen Debatten zum Thema rassischer und geschlechlicher Gleichheit aus dem 21. Jahrhundert bewahrt wird.


Ich bendanke mich beim Wellcome Trust (Grant no.082802) und AHRC (Grant no.AH/J00507X/1) für die essenzielle finanzielle Unterstützung meiner Forschungstätigkeit. Endlich bezeige ich auch dem Dr. Adrian Majuru meine Dankbarkeit für die Beteiligungseinladung an der Zeitschrift für Stadtanthropologie. Für ihre redaktionelle Unterstützung richte ich besonderen Dank an die Herren Patrick Merricks und Simon Wilson.

Editorial: Auteur: Marius Turda (Oxford Brookes University) (Francais)

L’héritage de l’eugénisme du XIXe siècle a conduit à l’émergence de nouvelles recherches dans le domaine des mouvements idéologiques internationaux, des rapports entre réseaux professionnels et des politiques de population. En conséquence, les historiens connaissent maintenant mieux les relations entre les mouvements eugénistes à travers le monde ainsi que les connexions internationales qui ont lié nombre de leurs protagonistes. Bien que, récemment, les historiens aient abordé plus systématiquement des études de cas en dehors de l’Europe occidentale, une attention moindre a été accordée à d’autres sujets liés à l’eugénisme, comme par exemple, le contrôle de la population, l’anthropologie rurale et urbaine, la religion, le mariage, le handicap et les problèmes sociaux tels que la pauvreté et la prostitution.


Au XXe siècle, l’eugénisme, alors étroitement liée à la connaissance de l’hérédité humaine produite par la biologie, l’anthropologie et la médecine, a combiné diverses visions de la perfection humaine en une nouvelle forme de connaissance scientifique basée sur les théories de l’évolution et de l’hérédité tout comme le contrôle de la population. Une régénération raciale très désirée a également été promise au nom de la science. Celle-ci était simultanément un projet biologique et politique. Le déterminisme eugéniste — héréditaire et culturel — combiné aux visions modernes de „la nouvelle société” et aux „nouvelles typologies de mâle et femelle” poursuivaient le même objectif: guérir les blessures de la société causées par la modernité. Sous l’autorité des sciences biologiques, l’eugénisme a offert une vision d’une nouvelle société capable de résister à la désintégration culturelle et la dégénérescence biologique. A la suite d’une série de publications de la période 1870-1880, le scientifique anglais Francis Galton s’est engagé dans l’élaboration d’une nouvelle philosophie scientifique qu’il a nommée eugénisme, suivant en cela la fascination victorienne profondément enracinée pour l’ancienne culture grecque. Il espérait que l’ordre ancien, consacré par la religion, serait remplacé in fine, par la sécularisation et l’acceptation générale des théories de l’évolution et de l’hérédité. Les idées eugénistes de Galton n’étaient pas originales. Les principes de base de l’eugénisme ont été tirés tant de la philosophie classique et chrétienne de l’histoire que des théories du XIXe siècle sur l’évolution et le progrès, en particulier des travaux de Charles Darwin, Thomas Malthus et Herbert Spencer. Croyant en une acceptation croissante du darwinisme et, de ce fait, à une nouvelle doctrine scientifique sur l’origine humaine, Galton a proposé une amélioration de l’humanité sur la base des sciences biologiques et statistiques. Tout comme les autres scientifiques victoriens, Galton était convaincu non seulement du besoin d’amélioration culturelle et spirituelle de l’homme mais aussi du besoin d’amélioration sociale et biologique. Cette approche unique dans l’histoire de l’individu, de ses origines et de ses ancêtres a été communément répétée à chaque fois que le corps du sujet eugéniste a été discuté. Le corps humain a donc été considéré comme une synthèse d’éléments biologiques et d’histoire dans laquelle la „physicalité” transitoire du présent a croisé les trajectoires précédentes de l’hérédité. Galton a recommandé que la régénération eugénique devienne une pratique ritualisée systématique, avec pour résultat la réalisation de l’harmonie sociale après quelques générations. Avec le début du XXe siècle, Galton croyait que le temps était venu de poser les bases d’une acceptation générale de l’eugénisme. Etant donné le prestige croissant de la science et de l’évolution du positivisme, il n’est pas étonnant que les eugénistes se soient considérés avec arrogance comme les prophètes d’une nouvelle ère de l’histoire de l’homme. Certains d’entre eux se pensaient comme les prêtres d’une nouvelle religion scientifique, et pas seulement des scientifiques au sens étroit du terme, mais les icones d’une nouvelle utopie biologique basée sur les théories de l’amélioration humaine. Ainsi décrit, l’eugénisme propose de recréer la société, tant en termes quantitatif que qualitatif, en se basant sur un ensemble de principes découlant des lois de l’hérédité et de la connaissance l’environnement social. Le mouvement combiné pour le progrès et l’hygiène a été accompagné par la formulation de stratégies rhétoriques, institutionnelle et disciplinaire de protection médicale et sociale. Ce faisant, l’eugénisme a été politisé et utilisé par les acteurs politiques, en dépit de différences idéologiques marquées. Les „gardiens de la nation” venaient à la fois de la gauche et la droite de l’échiquier politique; ils ont séduit les féministes, les socialistes, les nationalistes, les conservateurs et les fascistes. Même s’ils avaient des motifs idéologiques différents, les eugénistes ont interprété l’idée de progrès d’une manière similaire, c’est-à-dire comme un processus de renaissance historique, qui donnerait la possibilité à la société et à la nation de commencer une nouvelle vie, renaissant des ruines de sociales et biologiques, et de nettoyer, de cette façon, les impuretés. En effet, dans de nombreux pays du monde, l’eugénisme a tout d’abord été décrit comme un programme hygiénique destiné à protéger la société de ses problèmes sociaux et biologiques, des campagnes pour une vie saine à la prostitution en passant par le contrôle médical des maladies. Toutefois, afin d’offrir des remèdes scientifiques contre le déclin présumé de la santé globale de la population, l’eugénisme a également proposé une stratégie de défense biologique pour protéger certains groupes sociaux, sexuels et ethniques. Animer par la volonté de protéger et de guérir, en particulier dans des situations économiques et sociales difficiles, les eugénistes ont souvent utilisé des arguments discriminatoires pour justifier leurs visions de perfectionnement de la nation. Par exemple, la stérilisation était une des méthodes médicales souvent évoquées par l’eugénisme pour exprimer leur inquiétude vis-à-vis le nombre croissant de „personnes inadéquates” dans la société. Leur stérilisation et en général les méthodes eugéniques négatives (par exemple l’introduction de certificats médicaux prénuptiaux) ont été maintes fois utilisées comme contre-arguments contre les programmes d’aide sociale et la législation sur la protection sociale au motif que ces derniers aidaient ceux qui n’étaient pas suffisamment valeureux d’un point de vue héréditaire, pour survivre, affaiblissant de ce fait la société et de la race en général.

À quelques rares exceptions près, les eugénistes n’étaient généralement pas préoccupés par le sort de ceux qu’ils considéraient comme „sans valeur” et ont préféré idéaliser les individus sains. Avec l’avènement de la culture eugéniste au début du XXe siècle, certains individus et groupes appartenant aux „classes inférieures” ou „races inférieures” ont été rejetés et stigmatisés. Les représentations de l’individu se sont alors transformées en fonction de sa valeur raciale. Ce faisant, l’eugénisme a créé un système de « nettoyage interne », selon lequel les membres de la société considérés „en mauvaise santé”, „malade” et „antisociale” ont été séparés de la majorité „sanitaire” et, dans certains cas, comme par exemple dans l’Allemagne nazie étaient exterminés.


Prenant pour objet sur les sous-cultures eugéniste, ce dossier thématique se concentre sur la ville et ses environs. Les articles présentés ici reflètent les débats internationaux relatifs à l’eugénisme et tentent en même temps de dessiner de nouvelles sphères de recherche, en plaçant les thèmes liés à l’eugénisme dans le contexte urbain qui fut et reste une source importante d’inspiration. Reconstruisant un réseau institutionnel reliant la sphère locale, régionale, nationale et internationale, il est essentiel de comprendre comment les idées eugénistes ont circulé entre les scènes nationales et internationales, et ont été, in fine, adoptées ou rejetées par les cultures locales. En ce sens, le dossier présenté représente la diversité des participants qui ont été impliqués dans les débats nationaux sur la religion, les politiques de santé et de contrôle de population, oscillant entre les institutions de l’Etat, les églises et les minorités ethniques, jusqu’aux médias publics et aux initiatives de sanitaires locales. Ces débats ont été aussi intenses dans des villes comme Londres que dans les capitales de l’Europe du sud et orientale (Ljubljana, Budapest, Bucarest, Cluj et Athènes). La perspective adoptée est international, car c’est à cette échelle que les idées eugénistes peuvent être étudiées en profondeur. De plus, l’influence des agents locaux et internationaux concernant l’émergence et l’évolution de l’eugénisme à partir du XIXe siècle peut être dévoilée. Cette approche de l’eugénisme urbain dans un contexte international nous apprend à examiner comment les idées eugénistes ont été mobilisées et à comprendre les connexions scientifiques qui ont aidé à leur diffusion dans le marché mondial des idées. Bien que les institutions de l’Etat aient certainement joué un rôle clé dans le développement de ce projet, ceci s’est produit en fonction de l’importance des personnes, des intellectuels ou des organismes professionnels et sociaux en présence. La ville offre un prisme conceptuel enrichissant pour comprendre la diffusion des idées eugénistes. A Londres, en 1910, à Budapest en 1920, à Ljubljana en 1930 ou à Greenbelt, dans le Maryland en 1940, peut être observée la manière dont l’eugénisme a été façonné par des agrégats socioculturels, religieux, de sexe ou des facteurs économiques spécifiques aux villes modernes. Compte-tenu de la large gamme d’idées eugéniques dans des pays aussi divers que les USA, l’Angleterre, l’Italie, la Slovénie, la Hongrie, la Roumanie et la Grèce, il devient rapidement évident que l’eugénisme a été un élément intrinsèque d’un large spectre de programmes de modernisation des Etats-nations, allant des méthodes de contrôle sanitaire et de progrès social aux recherches anthropologiques et raciales. En outre, l’eugénisme a servi à une large échelle de véhicule de transmission de messages médicaux, sociaux et culturels, ce qui reflète le caractère moderne des initiatives politiques de la population soutenues par l’État moderne. Parfois, ces initiatives ont réussi à surmonter les luttes politiques. Les eugénistes ont classé et utilisé les identités sociale, de genre et nationale dans un climat politique dans lequel différentes définitions biologiques et culturelles des individus et des communautés étaient en compétition. Une approche plus nuancée d’un point de vue historique et critique est nécessaire à l’étude de l’eugénisme à partir d’une perspective locale et régionale. Les histoires de l’eugénisme de l’Europe occidentale et orientale doivent être saisies dans un même mouvement afin de reconstruire l’expérience de l’eugénisme entre les régions et les pays, et à l’intérieur des frontières multiethniques. La réinterprétation des expériences multiethniques abordées dans ce numéro de la Revue d’anthropologie urbaine est un exemple remarquable de la façon dont l’histoire de l’eugénisme peut être étudiée de manière englobante et contextualisée comme phénomène transnational, ce qu’il fut, sans aucun doute. Ce numéro thématique rassemble de jeunes historiens – docteur ou doctorant – d’Oxford Brookes University spécialistes de l’histoire de l’eugénisme (T. Georgescu, P. Merricks A. Barmpouti, H. Choudhury, S. Wilson et M. Galt) et des historiens de renom de Grande-Bretagne (Maria Sophia Quine), de Roumanie (C. Bărbulescu et Z. Bokor), Slovénie (A. Cergol-Paradiž) et de Hongrie (G. Szegedi). Cette nouvelle génération d’historiens de l’eugénisme a pu mettre en œuvre des travaux novateurs grâce à des bourses de financement de la recherche, assurant un véritable transfert international des connaissances. Cela n’est pas seulement évident en ce qui concerne la grande diversité géographique de leur recherche, mais aussi dans l’intensité et la fréquence des interactions scientifiques qu’ils engendrent. En cela, et par d’autres aspects, l’exposition de nouvelles recherches présentées ici vise à établir un cadre qui comprend des interprétations qui transcendent les frontières nationales, qui sert à renforcer les collaborations académiques, tout en restant connectée à des débats politiques sur l’égalité raciale et des sexes dans le XXIe siècle.


Une aide financière essentielle a été fournie par le Wellcome Trust (financement no.082802) et AHRC (no.AH/J00507X/1) auxquels je manifeste ma reconnaissance. Enfin, je tiens à exprimer ma gratitude à Dr. Adrian Majuru pour l’invitation à participer à ce dossier thématique de la revue d’anthropologie urbaine. Je dois des remerciements particuliers à Dr. Patrick Merricks et M. Simon Wilson pour leur aide à la rédaction.

Girls, Doctors and Institutions: Eugenics and Medical Institutionalisation in Interwar Cluj - Author: Zsuzsa BOKOR

This paper analyses the extent to which venereal diseases became a central problem both in public discourse and in the series of medical measures and health care institutionalisation introduced in Cluj during the interwar period. Numerous projects and laws were drafted in connection with this problem. Moreover, the discussion about the prevention and containment of venereal diseases raises wider questions about the role of medicine in society once it is placed within a nationalist discourse.

Keywords: prostitution, Cluj, physicians, eugenics, nationalism

Zsuzsa BOKOR

(Romanian Institute for Research on National Minorities, Cluj)

Saxon Eugenics and the Remodelling of Carcinogenic Cities in the Interwar Period - Author: Tudor Georgescu (Oxford Brookes University)


This article explores how Saxon eugenics and fascism alike constructed and reconstructed the urban space conceptually and practically in interwar Romania. That is, it investigates how the city’s alleged degenerative influences on established populations and rural migrants – primarily in terms of social ills and diseases, poor housing, and a higher propensity for mixed marriages – was supposed to be alleviated through eugenic policies designed to further demographic growth and feed an ever-present insistence on the importance of Lebensraum. What emerges is a striking case study of a movement that actively sought to recast the alleged urban morass as a re-homogenised eugenic fortress.

Keywords: Saxons, Transylvania, eugenics, fascism, self-help

The Protection of Mothers and Children as a Eugenic Measure in Ljubljana - Author: Ana Cergol-Paradiž (University of Ljubljana)


In Ljubljana individual societies and institutions for preventive protection of mothers and children were developed during the interwar period. One of the most important among them was the Institute for Protection of Children. The aim of the paper is to describe the structure and the motives of these initiatives and activities, especially in relation to demographic trends in that period. Furthermore, it will examine how various authors, who participated in such initiatives, interpreted and understood demographic trends and the living conditions in the city of Ljubljana and how, on the other hand, they reflected on the existing conditions on the countryside. Finally, the article will attempt to identify how these initiatives related to eugenics and pro-natalism.

Keywords: protection of mothers and children, demography, Ljubljana, eugenics, pro-natalism

Pioneers rarely triumph? Voluntary Marriage Counselling and Venereal Disease in the Greater Budapest Area, 1920s-1950 - Author: Gábor Szegedi (Wiesenthal Institute, Vienna)


This paper provides a brief overview of mandatory and voluntary marriage counselling in interwar Hungary. It discusses eugenic thinking in Hungary at the time, as well as anti-VD movement as the driving force behind marriage counselling.  By focusing on the National Social Policy Institute (Országos Szociálpolitikai Intézet)´s voluntary marriage counselling centre in Újpest as a case study this paper shows why these initiatives failed. Only a tiny fraction of the population in Budapest visited these centres and usually not the groups the physicians wanted to target. This is partly due to the fact that marriage counselling in Hungary at the time did not provide birth control and/or sexual advice and its discourse was patriarchal and patronizing towards the lower classes.

Keywords: marriage counseling, eugenics, health examination, Budapest

Population, Urbanisation and Eugenics in Athens, 1950s-1960s - Author: Alexandra Barmpouti (Oxford Brookes University)


Improving the good genetic ‘quality’ of population is one of the major goals of eugenics. In Greece, however, the problem of population quantity was a main eugenic goal. At the beginning of the 1950s, Greece faced a number of demographical problems such as low birth rate, immigration and high rate of abortions. Urbanisation and modernisation gradually altered both the distribution of population and social customs, most notably in Athens. As a result, eugenics aimed to correct these problems, both socially and biologically. During the 1950s and 1960s, eugenics was regarded by Greek professionals as the ideal way to elevate the health and educational level of the country alongside child guidance and family planning.

Keywords: eugenics, population management, urbanisation, medical profession, Athens

Pauperism and Eugenics in Bethnal Green (East London), 1910-1933 - Author: Simon J. Wilson (Oxford Brookes University)


J. Lidbetter was a relieving officer from Bethnal Green in the east end of London who, over a period of decades, produced a body of genealogical research that became the focus of the Eugenics Society’s research agenda. Lidbetter, who held no degree or any university post, used his administrative position in London’s poor law administration to compile extensive family trees of the paupers under his jurisdiction and their ancestors. The ever-expanding number of supposedly hereditary conditions, and the ever-increasing number of paupers in the families under his purview, ensured that Lidbetter spent decades of his career amassing enormous quantities of data on a constantly expanding population. The expanding task, the resources of the Eugenics Society and Lidbetter’s own limitations meant that the task could never be truly completed. Nevertheless, Lidbetter’s work provides an interesting case study of urban eugenic research in early twentieth century Britain.

Keywords: Eugenics Society, poverty, urban decline, population.

Disability and the Legacy of Eugenics in 1950s London - Author: Hanna Choudhury (Oxford Brookes University)


This article seeks to examine the influence of the British eugenics movement on the understanding of learning disabilities in the 1950s London. The eugenics movement placed an emphasis upon mental and physical well-being, deviations from this standard were perceived to be undermining and threatening the nation. To address this, the article is divided into two sections: the ideals of the British eugenics movement including the use of stigma as a socially isolating tool, and the creation of the Association of Parents of Backward Children, APBC (1946). The APBC set out to overcome the deep-seated eugenic attitudes in the political and social spheres. Ultimately, the APBC were able to unite families, both geographically and emotionally, and have a profound effect on how society behaves towards those with disabilities and their families.

Keywords: Judy Fryd, disability, eugenics, stigma, London Association of Parents of Backward Children

The Pronatalist Power of Urban and Social Planning in Greenbelt, Maryland, 1935-1940 Mark Galt (Oxford Brookes University)


The purpose of this article is to decode the pronatalist implications of the physical and social environment engineered by Greenbelt’s federal planners, and in doing so, present a detailed explanation of factors that prompted the city’s baby-boom in 1938. In order to highlight these features, the project will be explored against the backdrop of an explicitly pronatalist community envisioned by Ellsworth Huntington, the president of the American Eugenics Society. While not suggesting a direct influence between them, the two projects share key similarities, allowing for the pronatalist interpretation of the Greenbelt community.

Keywords: pro-natalism, American eugenics, Greenbelt, housing, urban planning,

The Elusive Nature of Racial Degeneration in Urban Romania, 1870-1910 - Author: Constantin Bărbulescu (University of Cluj)


During the second half of the 19th century, physicians were the first to launch into the public space one of the fears and phantasms that would haunt Romanian society until the present and into the future: the degeneration of Romanian race. This article questions the view that the topic of race degeneration was but one of the many themes of the medical discourse: physicians must have spoken about race degeneration as they spoke of bodily and clothing hygiene, of dwelling and food hygiene, and as they treated the matter of alcoholism. The theme of race degeneration was, in fact, a generator of medical discourse. If in the final decades of the 19th century there was an explosion of hygienist literature in Romania, this was due first of all to the physicians’ belief that the Romanian race was undergoing a degenerative process and that something must be done for its regeneration. In order to prevent it was necessary to define and study it.

Keywords: medicine, degeneration, Romanian cities, anti-Semitism

Biodiversity in Francisc J. Rainer’s Anthropological Research - Author: Adrian Majuru (Ion Mincu University of Architecture and Urbanism, Bucharest)


This article is dedicated to Francisc J. Rainer, his methods and their lasting importance to anthropological research. Francisc Rainer was born in 1874, graduated MD from the Faculty of Medicine in 1903; was made Professor of Anatomy and Embryology at the Faculty of Medicine in Iaşi (1913-1920) and then in Bucharest (1920-1940). He was interested in anatomy, physiology, embryology and anthropology. He conducted research on the population of certain villages in the Carpathian mountains, on the craniology of the Romanians, on the anthropology of Romanian students and on blood groups. He conducted field trips to the Carpathians in 1927 (Drăguţ), 1928 (Nereju) and 1932 (Fundul Moldovei), accompanied by Dimitrie Gusti.

Keywords: Francisc J. Rainer, Romania, anthropology, craniology, ethnic diversity

Research for this article has been made possible by the project “Valorification of cultural identities in global processes”, co-financed by the European Union and the Government of Romania through the Sectoral Operational Programme Human Resources Development 2007-2013. Financing agreement no. SOPHRD/89/1.5/S/59758.

Sex and the City: The Pains and Pleasures of being Moderne in Europe, 1880s-1930s - Author: Maria Sophia Quine (University of East Anglia)


This article explores the importance of images of ‘the City’ in visual and written culture in the modern period. Within modern arts and the sciences, the city, as both built space and lived space, has dominated imagination and thinking. In the nineteenth century, the ancient and mediaeval city, which was flattened, re-built, extended and modernized, functioned as a repository of political ambition and as a symbol of national grandeur. In the twentieth century, the city, as a subjectively experienced place and as an object of scientific scrutiny, became one of the most powerful metaphors of national decadence and decline. The modern city was the new Sodom and Gomorrah, unnatural places where sex which was against the ‘laws of nature’ flourished; the ‘evils’ of lesbianism and homosexuality, birth control, recreational sex, feminist self-empowerment, the exercise of women’s reproductive choices and all the other ‘vices’ of modern, urban life associated with racial ‘sterility’ and ‘suicide’ were major themes within eugenics.

Keywords: the city, modernity, gender, reproduction, eugenics

The Urban Anthropology Journal No.4 (2015)


Revista de Antropologie Urbană Nr.4
The Urban Anthropology Journal - No.4 (2015) - CONTENTS
  • Editorial: Marginalitate urbană – Autor: Dr. Adrian Majuru (Romanian)
  • Editorial: Urban Marginality – Author: Dr. Adrian Majuru (English)
  • Editorial: Marginalité urbaine – Auteur: Dr. Adrian Majuru (French)
  • Leitartikel: Die städtische Marginalexistenz – Author: Dr. Adrian Majuru (German)
  • The marginal: an urban anthropological destiny – Author: Lecturer Dr. Octavian Buda
  • An anthropological view over old age – Author: Dr. Ioan Oprescu
  • The periphery – The marginal in an anthropology of marginal spaces – Author: Drd. Corina Popescu
  • The high cost of Segregation for Romania – Author: Univ. Lecturer Dr. Viorel Mionel
  • Prostitution in old Constanţa – Author: Dr. Constantin Cheramidoglu
  • Prostitution in inter-war Bucharest: a medical and social issue – Author: Mărculeţ-Petrescu Cristina
  • Ant society vs. human society. Development systems for community spaces – Author: Carmen Angela Bărbat
  • Confessions on the doctor-patient relationship: individual and social values – Author: George Cristian Curcă

Editorial: Marginalitate urbană - Autor: Dr. Adrian Majuru

În istorie, diurnul este o imagine deformată a nocturnului. La lumina zilei, întâmplările sunt aşa cum dorim să le vedem, să le simţim, să le înţelegem. Nocturnul refuză un asemenea compromis pentru liniştea mulţimilor. El se află în preajma noastră din zorii istoriei iar oamenii l-au ocolit alungându-l în superstiţie, l-au circumscris tabuurilor, interdicţiilor, construindu-i o imagine de mundus inversus. Numai că, această lume aparent inversată este tocmai aceea care hrăneşte pe negândite valorile, care se manifestă diurn. Nocturnul respiră cu fiecare dintre noi. Frontiera dintre diurn şi nocturn este fragilă şi flexibilă: oscilăm adesea de o parte şi de alta a barierei, fără curajul unei alegeri. În istorie, această nehotărâre nu oferă nimic din ceea ce o societate se pregăteşte să înţeleagă şi să construiască pentru semenii ei: minimul confort începe din momentul în care faci lumină în tenebre. Subteranul are propria-i ierarhie de valori, cenzurată stângaci de lumea diurnă, unde, de ochii lumii, ne prefacem a fi iubitori de curat, adevăr, cultură, civilizaţie. Aici, în adevăratele cruzimi ale lumii refuzate şi marginalizate prin indiferenţă, ignoranţă sau neputinţă, pornesc seismele sociale, prăbuşirile culturale, pandemiile patologice ale inadaptării, neînţelegerii, necunoaşterii, alături de primejdia despiritualizării. Subteranul social scapă controlului instituţional deoarece el cunoaşte alte manifestări în istorie. Pentru a ne linişti nu este nevoie de control ci de cunoaştere (N. Minovici, I. Stănescu, B. Brenner, 1937). În lumea diurnă ne-am obişnuit să numim în cuvinte potrivite doar nouă, aisberguri ale căror vîrfuri se văd fragmentar precum nişte accesorii sociale nepotrivite lumii ordonate: cerşetoria, vagabondajul, delincvenţa, prostituţia, alienarea, sinuciderea, vrăjitoria etc. Nu sunt oare toate aceste realităţi sociale, forme de manifestare ale nocturnului pentru a avertiza lumea diurnă, de necesitatea unui dialog, a unei cunoaşteri lăsată de izbelişte şi cuprinsă doar în statisticile seci ale medicinii legale, criminalisticii, sau ale asistenţei sociale? Cele mai serioase avertizări în istorie pornesc din subteran. Oricând, printr-o bizară inversare de roluri, din subteranul fecund, tranzitează diurnul un neînţeles, un marginal, care devine stăpân absolut. Un refuzat în spaţiul normalului, care îl presează să plece acolo de unde a venit, ajunge să guverneze şi să-şi răzbune pedeapsa milenară şi suferinţele semenilor din mocirla socială. Românii au fost conduşi de un ceferist şi apoi de un cizmar, în pragul analfabetismului, timp de aproape 50 de ani. În urmă cu două sute de ani, un bragagiu a stăpânit zeci de zile Bucureştiul, incendiind parte din el, pentru a-l copia pe Nero, profitând de inexistenţa unei autorităţi aplecate spre înţelegere şi cunoaştere. La începutul anilor ’40, săracii Bucureştiului numărau zeci de mii de suflete, cea mai mare parte a lor dispărând noaptea în spaţii care nu au fost cartografiate niciodată. O parte dintre ei trăiau la periferiile mahalalelor din ce dădea Dumnezeu. Marginalizaţi de semenii lor şi forţaţi să trăiască într-o lume pe care şi-o doreau schimbată, majoritatea acestor suferinzi sociali vor căuta răzbunare în timpul regimului puterii populare. Această sărăcime socială mai înseamnă pe lângă puţinătate culturală şi neputinţă cotidiană. Pe sprijinul lor a contat noul regim popular când a promovat „originea sănătoasă” iar refuzaţii seculari au devastat sistematic, manipulaţi cu uşurinţă, vechea societate românească construită cu greu timp de două sute de ani în osmoză cu Occidentul. Particularitarea comunismului românesc a constat tocmai într-o particularitate socială: lipsa de eficienţă a programelor instituţionale privind asanarea socială, igienizarea şi culturalizarea întregului angrenaj al nocturnului social. Prăbuşirea din istorie a unei societăţi în particular şi a unui popor în general este cauzată pe de o parte de ignorarea voită şi agresivă faţă de periferiile sociale, de la săraci la infirmi, iar pe de altă parte, de indiferenţa faţă de creşterea demografică a pauperizării sociale, lucru care determină popularea până la refuz al subteranului social. Rezultatul va fi un nou cataclism social, a cărui forţă poate mătura fără oprelişti regimuri politice, sisteme sociale aparent armonios articulate, dar şi valori culturale construite cu greu. Sărăcia progresivă care se extinde în multe straturi sociale contemporane se manifestă şi prin demoralizare faţă de propriul viitor, scepticismul faţă de rezolvarea unei probleme fără şpagă sau pile etc.

  Multitudinea problemelor sociale urcă în progresie geometrică pe scala indiferenţei oficiale. Oraşul corupe. Este cel care strică bunele moravuri şi anulează cutumele, tradiţiile. Dar este şi un factor de progres. Problema este că oraşul – în spaţiul românesc – nu s-a născut dintr-o experienţă proprie, din resorturi autothtone – ci dintr-una împrumutată de la alţii ad-integrum: de la arhitectură şi trama stradală, la vestimentaţie, maniere şi limbaj social. Această adaptare în mare măsură imparţială şi superficial înţeleasă a dat naştere – la nivel individual şi colectiv – a unui permanent conflict, între vechi şi nou, între cum e bine şi ce este rău etc. Periferiile sociale trebuiesc umanizate şi spiritualizate prin trecerea lor de la supravieţuire şi parazitism social la valorizarea fiecărui potenţial uman prin accesul liber la alimentaţie, educaţie şi igienă. A ignora spaţiile suferinţelor sociale înseamnă a condamna următoarele generaţii la „moarte cotidiană” pe când polarizarea socială se poate malforma într-un punct exclusivist al celor puternici şi o imensitate umană lăsată la voia întâmplării. În istorie, astfel de experimente au măturat imperii şi civilizaţii. Trebuie reţinut însă un fapt şi anume, „cultura nu trebuie să fie o improvizaţie” după cum afirma reputatul antropolog, Ştefan Milcu, căci „trebuie ca mentalitatea populaţiei să se schimbe”, şi „acesta este un proces de lungă durată” dar poate fi unul reuşit deoarece „totul este vorbitor în jurul nostru” şi acest limbaj trebuie făcut cunoscut cu ajutorul antropologiei. Dosarul este deschis de articolul domnului Octavian Buda intitulat «Marginalul: un destin antropologic urban», un demers despre fenomenul marginalului în istoria oraşului medieval şi modern. Autorul discută „modul în care în viaţa socială şi în context medical apare problema pervazivă a asocierii stigmatizării şi etichetării cu boala mintală şi cu sistemul de sănătate mintală”. Urmează studiul «O privire antropologică a bătrâneţii» al regretatului cercetător Ioan Oprescu, de la Institutul de Antropologie Fr. Rainer – Academia Română. Istoria din perspectiva unei categorii mereu vulnerabile, bătrânii şi problematizarea bătrâneţii, prin cartografierea anamnezei procesului de îmbătrânire, reprezintă un demers de maxim interes pentru specialiştii domeniilor umaniste şi medicale. Potrivit autorului „Bătrâneţea este un proces ce prezintă o mare variabilitate inter-individuală, în care capacitatea de răspuns la stres este întârziată, riscul de imbolnăvire creşte, mecanismul homeostatic intră în declin, capacităţile cognitive se reduc etc. Unii consideră ideea controversată, că bătrâneţea ar fi o boală şi încearcă să o trateze. Însă „bătrâneţea nu este o boală” afirmă Ioan Oprescu. Corina Popescu publică o interesantă descriere a zonelor de interferenţă urbană, a maidanelor, a zonelor neutre, care nu aparţin cuiva în mod foarte clar. Articolul său, «Periferica: Marginalii la o antropologie a spaţiilor marginale», descrie, „zonele caracterizate de ambiguitate, spaţiile de interval ori marginale, precum şi forme de transgresare a noilor limite trasate în perimetrul oraşului contemporan, alături de întreaga simbolistică pe care o generează. În această situaţie se află şi maidanul, un spaţiu devenit loc cu învestitură semnificativă nouă, un espace autre foucaultian, după cum ne propunem să demonstrăm”. Despre «Costul Ridicat al Segregării pentru România» scrie lectorul universitar Viorel Mionel, într-un amplu rechizitoriu ştiinţific despre comunitatea rromă din oraşul românesc. Urmează două studii despre fenomenul prostituţiei. Astfel, dr. Constantin Cheramidoglu publică articolul «Prostituţia în Constanţa veche», unde prezintă evoluţia acestui fenomen din perpsectivă istorică, socială dar şi a legislaţiei, cu privire la oraşul Constanţa din perioada modernă şi interbelică. Urmează articolul Cristinei Mărculeţ Petrescu, «Prostituţia în Bucureştiul interbelic: o problemă medicală şi socială», bine documentat şi cu o analiză abordată sincron pe reperele sociale şi medicale, cu referiri şi la legislaţia epocii. Culoarele subterane ale societăţii rămân în continuare domenii abordate de sociologi, psihologi şi medici de variate specializări, categorii socio-profesionale, care, prin natura menirii lor, sunt nevoite să analizeze domenii de graniţă pentru a descoperii cauze, efecte, soluţii. Legislaţia este precară, chiar şi acolo unde încearcă să acopere goluri.

Dr. Adrian Majuru

Editorial: Urban Marginality - Author: Dr. Adrian Majuru

In history, the diurnal is a deformed image of the nocturnal. During daylight, things occur as we wish them to, as we want to feel and understand them. The nocturnal rejects such a compromise, made for the quelling of crowds. The nocturnal has been with us ever since the dawn of time, yet people have steered clear of it, casting it into superstition. They have associated the nocturnal with taboo, with the forbidden, conferring upon it the image of mundus inversus. Only, it is this very world, apparently inverted, which is unconsciously feeding our values, which manifest diurnally. The nocturnal breathes with each and every one of us. The barrier between the nocturnal and the diurnal is frail and flexible: we often oscillate from one side to the other, lacking the courage to pick a side. In history, this uncertainty offers nothing of what society is prepared to understand and put together for its people: minimal comfort stems from the moment light is shed onto darkness. The subterranean has its own hierarchy of values, clumsily censored by the diurnal world, where, seeking the approval of others, we pretend to enjoy cleanliness, truthfulness, culture, civilisation. Here, within the true cruelties of a discarded world, marginalised with the help of indifference, ignorance, or inaptness, is where social earthquakes, cultural collapses, pathological pandemics of inadequacy, misapprehension, unknowingness, along with the threat of faithlessness, begin. The social subterranean escapes institutional control because it takes on other forms throughout history. In order to calm ourselves, it is not control we need, but knowledge (N. Minovici, I. Stănescu, B. Brenner, 1937). In the diurnal world, we have grown accustomed to naming, in words fit only for ourselves, merely the tips of the icebergs, visible solely in fragments, like some sort of social accessories unfit for an ordered world: begging, homelessness, delinquency, prostitution, alienation, suicide, witchcraft etc. Are all these social realities, manifested forms of the nocturnal, not warnings meant for the diurnal world, pointing out the necessity of a dialogue, the existence of knowledge, abandoned and only contained within the lifeless statistics of forensic science, criminology, or social assistance? The most serious warnings in history emerge from the subterranean. Anytime, through an odd reversal of roles, out of the abundant subterranean comes something misunderstood, a marginal figure, who manages to transcend into the diurnal and become absolute ruler. A reject in the space of the normal, a space constantly pressurising them to return to whence they came, who finds themselves in charge and able to seek retribution for his and his kind’s punishment and suffering in the sludge of society. Romanians have been ruled by a railroad worker, then by a shoemaker, on the brink of illiteracy, for nearly 50 years. Two hundred years ago, a braga drink (kvass) seller ruled Bucharest for tens of days, setting parts of it aflame in an effort to emulate Nero, taking advantage of the lack of any authority inclined towards listening and understanding. At the beginning of the 40s, Bucharest’s poor numbered tens of thousands, most of them vanishing at night, retreating to spaces which have never been mapped. Part of them lived at the outskirts of slums, off of what God gave them. Marginalised by their own ilk, and forced to live in a world which they wanted changed, the majority of these social underdogs seek vengeance during the People Power regime. This social poverty implies not only cultural meagreness, but also everyday ineptitude. It is their support that the new popular regime counted on, when promoting a „healthy provenance”, and these secular rejects, easily manipulated, proceeded to systematically tear down the old Romanian society, which had been painstakingly built over two hundred years of assimilation with the Western world. The peculiarity of Romanian communism consisted of what was itself a social peculiarity: institutional programs’ lack of efficiency in what concerns the social remedying, sanitisation, and culturalisation of the crux of the societal nocturnal. The fall from history of a society in particular and a people in general is caused by, on one hand, deliberate and aggressive ignorance towards societal peripheries, from the poor to the infirm, and the callousness regarding the demographical growth of societal pauperisation, which leads to the overcrowding of the societal subterranean, on the other. The result is a new social cataclysm, the force of which has the power to easily dispose of any political regimes, any social systems which might have appeared as harmoniously articulated, and any assiduously formed cultural values. The progression of poverty reaches multiple contemporary social categories, and makes itself known through a growing uncertainty towards the future, a skepticism regarding the solving of a problem without having been reduced to bribery or backstairs influence.

The multitude of social issues consistently increases on the scale of official indifference. The city corrupts. It spoils good habits and annuls traditions and customs. Yet it is also a beacon of progress. The problem is that the city – in Romania – was not born out of personal experience, out of the country’s own resources, but from an image borrowed from others, ad-integrum: from architecture and road building, to clothing, manners, and social language. This appropriation, impartially and superficially understood, gave birth – on an individual and collective level – to a never-ending conflict, between the old and the new, between what is right and what is wrong etc. Social peripheries must be humanised and spiritualised through their passing from survival and societal parasitism to helping reach every human individual’s full potential, through access to proper nourishment, education, and hygiene. To ignore the spaces of societal suffering is to condemn future generations to an “everyday death”, while societal polarisation can mutate into something belonging exclusively to the powerful, leaving a vast amount of people to their own fates. In history, such experiments have swept away empires and civilisations. We must however keep in mind that “culture mustn’t be an improvisation”, as stated by renowned anthropologist Ştefan Milcu, for it is “the people’s mentality which needs to change”, and “such a process is a lengthy one”, yet can be successful, for “everything around us is speaking”, and this language must be made known with the help of anthropology. The dossier is initiated by Mr. Octavian Buda’s article, titled “The Marginal: an anthropological urban destiny”, a work about the phenomenon of the marginal in medieval and modern urban history. The author discusses “how, within the social and medical spheres, there is a pervasive problem regarding the stigmatisation and alienation of those with mental health issues and of the mental health system itself”. This is followed by the study “An anthropological view over old age” by the recently departed researcher Ioan Oprescu, from the Fr. Rainer Institute of Anthropology, of the Romanian Academy. History from the perspective of a category always vulnerable, the elderly and the questioning of old age, through the mapping of anamnesis, the process of ageing, is a subject of great importance for specialists in the humane and medical domains. According to the author, “Old age is a process which varies greatly from one individual to another, during which the capability of dealing with stress is delayed, health risks increase, the homeostatic mechanism enters its decline, cognitive capacities are reduced, etc. Some believe that old age is a disease, and attempt to treat and cure it – a controversial concept. However, Ioan Oprescu states that “old age is not a medical condition”. Corina Popescu publishes an interesting description of areas of urban superimposition, of vacant lands, of neutral areas, which do not clearly belong to anyone in particular. Her article, „The Peripheral: the marginal in an anthropology of marginal spaces”, describes the „areas characterised by ambiguity, transitory or marginal places, as well as new ways of transgression of new limits bordering the contemporary city, along with the entire symbolism it generates. The “maidan” (a barren space) finds itself in this situation, a space which now has a new concept to be associated with, a foucaultian ‘espace autre’, as we endeavour to demonstrate.” University lecturer Viorel Mionel writes about the “High Cost of Segregation for Romania”, with a wide range of facts about the Romani community of Romanian cities. This is followed by two studies on the phenomenon of prostitution. The first is Dr. Constantin Cheramidoglu’s article, titled “Prostitution in old Constanţa”, where he exposes this phenomenon’s evolution from a historical, social, and legislative perspective, in the city of Constanţa during the inter-bellum and modern times. The second is Cristina Mărculeţ Petrescu’s “Prostitution in inter-bellum Bucharest: a medical and social issue”, well documented and including an analysis synchronously relying on social and medical markers, as well as references to the legislature of the time. The subterranean corridors of society remain a subject broached by sociologists, psychologists, medics of various specialisations, people belonging to socio-professional categories, that, through the nature of their work, need to study marginal subjects in order to come up with causes, effects and solutions. Legislature is precarious, even when it tries to cover up what is missing.

(English version by Eliana Radu)
Dr. Adrian Majuru

Editorial: Marginalité urbaine - Auteur: Dr. Adrian Majuru

Dans l’histoire, le diurne est une image déformée du nocturne. A la lumière du jour, les événements inattendus sont comme nous voulons les voir, les sentir, les comprendre. Le nocturne refuse ce prix à payer pour la paix collective. Il est autour de nous, depuis les prémisses de l’histoire et les humains l’ont évacué en le rejetant dans la superstition, en le circonscrivant dans le champ des tabous, des interdits, en le construisant en image d’un mundus inversus. Seulement, ce monde apparemment inverse est justement celui qui nourrit les valeurs impensés, qui se manifestent au grand jour. Le nocturne respire avec chacun d’entre nous. La frontière entre le diurne et le nocturne est fragile et flexible: on oscille souvent de part et d’autre de la barrière, sans avoir le courage de prendre une décision. Dans l’histoire, cette indécision n’offre rien de ce qu’une société se prépare à comprendre et à construire pour les siens, à savoir que le minimum de confort débute quand la lumière se fait sur les ténèbres. Le sous-terrain a sa propre hiérarchie des valeurs, censurée maladroitement par le monde diurne, où nous feignons d’être des amoureux de la propreté, de la vérité, de la culture, de la civilisation. Ici, dans le monde marginalisé par l’indifférence, l’ignorance ou l’impuissance prennent naissance les séismes sociaux, les écroulements culturels, les incompréhensions, les méconnaissances, les dangers dé-spiritualisés. Le sous-terrain social échappe au contrôle institutionnel dans la mesure où il connaît d’autres manifestations historiques. Pour nous assurer un certain confort, nul n’est besoin de contrôle mais de connaissances (N. Minovici, I. Stănescu, B. Brenner, 1937). Dans le monde diurne, nous nous sommes habitués à nommer dans des mots qui font sens pour nous seulement la mendicité, le vagabondage, la délinquance, la prostitution, l’aliénation, le suicide. Ces réalités ne seraient-elles pas des formes de manifestations du nocturne pour avertir le monde d’une nécessité d’un dialogue, d’une connaissance libérée des statistiques de la médecine légale, de la criminalistique ou encore de l’assistance sociale ? Dans l’histoire, les avertissements les plus sérieux viennent tous du sous-terrain. N’importe quand, par une bizarre inversion de rôles, du sous-terrain émerge un marginal qui devient un maître absolu. Une personne refusée dans l’espace normal, qui le presse de retourner là d’où il vient, finit par gouverner et par venger la punition millénaire et les souffrances des siens du bourbier social. Les Roumains ont été conduit par un agent des chemins de fer puis par un cordelier quasiment analphabète pendant près de cinquante ans. Il y a à peu près deux cent ans, un vendeur de boissons alcoolisées ee piètre qualité a dominé Bucarest pendant des dizaines de jours. Afin de copier Nero, il en a incendié une partie, profitant de l’inexistence d’une autorité penchant vers la compréhension et la connaissance. Au début des années 40, les pauvres de Bucarest se comptaient en dizaine de milliers. La plus grande partie disparaissait la nuit dans des espaces qui n’ont jamais été cartographiés. Une partie d’entre eux vivait à la périphérie des quartiers périphériques de ce qu’ils pouvaient trouver. Les marginaux semblables à eux et forcés de vivre dans un monde qu’ils voulaient différents, souffrant dans leur majorité vont chercher une revanche au temps des régimes populaires. C’est sur ces frustrations que s’est appuyé le nouveau régime populaire quand il a promu „les origines saines”. Les refusés séculaires ont dévastés systématiquement, manipulés avec facilité la vieille société roumaine construite avec tant de peine pendant deux cent ans en prenant l’occident pour modèle. La particularité du communisme roumain se perçoit justement dans une particularité sociale: l’absence d’efficience institutionnelle concernant l’assainissement social, l’hygiénisation et la culturalisation de l’ensemble d’engrenages du nocturne social. L’effondrement de l’histoire d’une société en particulier et d’un peuple en général est causée d’une part par une ignorance volontaire et agressive vis-à-vis des périphéries sociales des pauvres aux infirmes et d’autre part de l’indifférence face à l’augmentation démographique de la paupérisation. Il en résultera un nouveau cataclysme dont la force pourra balayer sans obstacle les régimes politiques, les systèmes sociaux apparemment harmonieusement articulés, mais aussi des valeurs construites difficilement. La pauvreté, qui s’étend progressivement dans plusieurs strates sociales contemporaines, se manifeste également par une démoralisation face à son propre avenir, un scepticisme face à un problème insoluble sans pots-de-vin.

La multitude des problèmes sociaux grimpe par progression géométrique sur l’échelle de l’indifférence officielle. La ville corrompt. C’est elle qui casse les mœurs et annule les coutumes, les traditions. Mais c’est également un facteur de progrès. Le problème est que la ville – dans l’espace roumain – n’est pas née d’une expérience propre, de ressort autochtone – mais par un emprunt ad integrum: de l’architecture à la trame des rues en passant par la tenue vestimentaire, les manières, le langage social… Cette adaptation dans une large mesure partielle et superficiellement comprise a donné naissance – tant au niveau individuel que collectif – à un conflit permanent entre l’ancien et le nouveau entre ce qui est bien et ce qui est mal, etc. Les périphéries sociales doivent être humanisées et spiritualisées par leur passage de la survie et du parasitisme social à la valorisation de chaque potentiel humain par un accès libre à l’alimentation, à l’éducation et à l’hygiène. Ignorer l’espace des souffrances sociales revient à se condamner pour les prochaines générations à la « mort quotidienne », alors que la polarisation sociale peut se mal-former en un point exclusiviste des puissants et une immensité humaine peut être laissée pour compte. Dans l’histoire, ce type d’expérimentation a balayé des empires et civilisations. Cependant, il faut retenir un fait, que la « culture ne doit pas être improvisée » comme l’affirme l’anthropologue réputé Stefan Milcu, parce qu’il « faut que la mentalité de la population change » et « ceci peut être un processus de longue durée », mais peut être une réussite dans la mesure « tout parle dans notre environnement » et ce langage doit être connu à l’aide de l’anthropologie. Ce dossier commence par un article d’Octavian Buda intitulé « Le marginal: un destin anthropologique urbain », une démarche prenant pour objet le phénomène de marginalisation dans l’histoire de la ville médiévale et moderne. L’auteur discute « le mode dans lequel, dans la vie sociale et le contexte médical apparaissent des problèmes envahissants de l’association entre stigmatisation et assignation à la maladie mentale ». Suit l’article de Ioan Oprescu, chercheur disparu, de l’institut d’anthropologie F. Rainer – Académie roumaine, « Un regard anthropologique sur le vieillissement ». L’histoire du point de vue d’une catégorie toujours vulnérable, à savoir les personnes âgées et le problématisation du vieillissement, par la cartographie de l’anamnèse du processus de vieillissement représente une démarche d’un intérêt remarquable pour les spécialistes du domaine social et médical. Selon l’auteur: « La vieillesse est un processus qui présente une grande variabilité interindividuelle, dans laquelle la capacité de réponse au stress est retardée, le risque de contracter une maladie augmente, le mécanisme homéostatique décline, les capacités cognitives se réduisent, etc. Certains considèrent, et l’idée est controversée, que la vieillesse serait une maladie et essaient de la traiter. Cependant « la vieillesse n’est pas une maladie » affirme Ioan Oprescu. Corina Popescu propose une intéressante description des zones d’interférence urbaine, des terrains vagues, des zones neutres qui ne n’ont pas de propriétaire clairement identifiable. Son article décrit « les zones caractérisées par l’ambiguïté, les espaces interstitiels ou marginaux » tout comme les formes de transgression de nouvelles limites tracées ans le périmètre de la ville contemporaine dans un tout symbolique. « Dans cette situation se trouve aussi le terrain vague, un espace devenu lieu avec une nouvelle investiture, un espace autre foucaldien, comme nous proposons de le démontrer ». Viorel Mionel nous invite à analyser « le coût élevé de la ségrégation pour la Roumanie » dans un ample réquisitoire scientifique prenant pour sujet la communauté Rom de la ville roumaine. Suivent deux études sur le phénomène de la prostitution. Constant Cheramidoglu propose l’article « Prostitution dans le vieux Constanta », dans lequel il analyse ce phénomène dans une perspective historique, sociale mais également légale. L’article de Critina Marculet Petrescu s’inscrit dans la même perspective et dans la même période historique de l’entre-deux guerres. Ceci permet une comparaison entre la capitale et Constanta à cette époque.

Dr. Adrian Majuru

(Version an francaise Antoine Heemeryck)

Leitartikel: Die städtische Marginalexistenz - Autor: Dr. Adrian Majuru

In der Geschichte ist das Tägliche ein verzerrtes Bild des Nächtlichen. Im Tageslicht erscheinen die Begebenheiten so wie wir sie sehen mögen, wie wir sie fühlen und verstehen wollen. Das Nächtliche lässt so ein Kompromiss für die Ruhe unserer Sinne nicht zu. Es befindet sich seit dem Anfang der Geschichte immer in unserer Nähe und die Menschen haben es gemieden, indem sie es auf der Ebene des Aberglauben vertrieben haben. Das Nächtliche wurde in Tabus und Verbote eingeschlossen und man schrieb es einem mundus inversus Bild zu. Aber es ist genau diese scheinbar umgekehrte Welt diejenige, die die Werte des Täglichen ernährt. Das Nächtliche atmet durch jeden von uns. Die Grenzen zwischen Tag und Nacht sind flexibel und zerbrechlich: wir pendeln zwischen der einen und der anderen Seite der Barriere, ohne dass unser Mut reicht, eine Wahl zu treffen. In der Geschichte bietet diese Unentschlossenheit nichts, aus was eine Gesellschaft verstehen soll und für ihre Mitglieder bauen will: die minimale Bequemlichkeit beginnt in dem Moment, wo Licht im Dunkel gemacht wird. Der Untergrund hat seine eigene Wertehierarchie, von der täglichen Welt ungeschickt zensiert: wir handeln so, als würden wir die Keuschheit, die Wahrheit, die Kultur, die Zivilisation lieben. Hier, in der echten Grausamkeit der abgelehnten Welt und in der Ausgrenzung durch Gleichgültigkeit und Unfähigkeit, beginnen die gesellschaftlichen Erdbeben, der kulturelle Sturz, die pathologische Pandemien der Unangepassenheiten, der Zwistigkeit, der Unwissenheit, und die Gefahr der Entgeistlichung. Der gesellschaftliche Untergrund entzieht sich der institutionellen Kontrolle, da er andere Manifestationsarten in der Geschichte kennt. Um uns zu beruhigen, brauchen wir keine Kontrolle sondern Wissen (N. Minovici, I. Stănescu, B. Brenner, 1937). In der täglichen Welt verschleiern wir in für uns passende Worte die Eisberge, deren Spitzen fragmentartig zu sehen sind, wie für eine ordentliche Welt unangemessene Accessoires: das Betteln, Landstreicherei, Prostitution, Alienation, Selbstmord, Hexerei usw. Sind nicht all diese gesellschaftliche Realitäten Manifestationsweisen des Nächtlichen, um das Tägliche zu warnen, dass ein Dialog nötig ist? Besteht nicht das Bedürfnis an einem Wissen, das dem Zufall überlassen wurde und nur in den dürren Statistiken der Rechtsmedizin, der Kriminalistik oder der Sozialassistenz wiederzufinden ist? Die ernsten Verwarnungen in der Geschichte kommen aus dem Untergrund. In jedem Moment, durch ein komischer Rollenwechsel, kommt aus dem fruchtbaren Nächtlichen in dem Täglichen ein Unverstehbares, ein Marginales, das zu einem absoluten Herrscher wird. Einem Ausgeschlossenen in der Dimension des Normalen, das ihn niederdrückt und zurückdrängt, gelingt es zu herrschen und sich für seine tausendjährige Strafe und das Leiden seiner Mitmenschen aus dem gesellschaftlichen Morast zu rächen. Die Rumäner wurden von einem Eisenbahner und dann von einem fast analphabetischen Schuster fast 50 Jahre lang geführt. Vor zweihundert Jahren regierte ein Hirsetrankverkäufer viele Tage in Bukarest und legte einen Teil davon im Brand um Nero nachzuahmen, da es keine Autorität gab, die dazu bereit war zu verstehen und zu wissen. Anfang der ‘40 Jahre, gab es in Bukarest tausende von Armen. Die meisten verschwanden in der Nacht in Orten die nie kartografiert wurden. Ein Teil davon lebten am Rande der Vorstadt von dem, was ihnen Gott gewährte. Diese Menschen wurden von ihren Mitbürgern ausgegrenzt und gezwungen, in einer Welt zu leben, die sie anders haben wollten. Die meisten dieser Leidenden werden Rache in die Regierung des Volkes suchen. Diese soziale Armut bedeutet nicht nur kulturelle Wenigkeit sondern auch alltägliche Unfähigkeit. Bei diesen Menschen fand die Herrschaft des Volkes Unterstützung, als sie den “gesunden Ursprung” förderte. Diese leicht manipulierbaren Außenseiter haben systematisch die alte rumänische Gesellschaft, die zwei Hundert Jahre lang in Osmose mit dem Abendland erbaut wurde, zerstört. Die Eigenart des rumänischen Kommunismus bestand genau in einer gesellschaftichen Besonderheit: der Effizienzmangel der institutionellen Programme, was die soziale Assanierung betraf, die Bereinigung und die Kulturalisierung der ganzen Verzahnung des gesellschaftlichen Nächtlichen. Der Sturz einer bestimmten Gesellschaft aus der Geschichte und eines Volkes allgemein geschieht auf einer Seite durch das absichtliche und aggressive Übersehen der gesellschaftlichen Randgebiete, von Armen bis zur Behinderten. Auf der anderen Seite geschieht dieser Sturz durch die Gleichgültigkeit gegenüber des demographischen Wachstums der gesellschaftlichen Verarmung, was zu einer übermäßigen Bevölkerung des Unterirdischen führte. Das Ergebnis ist eine neue gesellschaftliche Katastrophe, deren Macht unbezwungen das politische Regime, anscheinend harmonisch verbundene gesellschaftliche Systeme aber auch mühsam erbaute kulturelle Werte, wegfegen kann. Die progressive Armut, die sich in mehreren zeitgenössischen gesellschaftlichen Schichten verbreitet, manifestiert sich auch durch Zermürbung gegenüber der eigenen Zukunft, durch Skeptizismus gegenüber der Lösung eines Problems ohne Bestechung usw. Die Vielzahl der gesellschaftlichen Probleme steigt in geometrischer Progression auf die Skala der öffentlichen Gleichgültigkeit.

  Die Stadt korrumpieren. Sie ist diejenige, die die guten Sitten verdirbt und die Gewohnheitsrechte aufhebt. Aber sie ist auch ein Fortschrittsfaktor. Das Problem ist, dass die Stadt, in dem rumänischen Raum, nicht aus der eigenen Erfahrung und aus einheimischen Ressorts entstanden ist, sondern aus einer Erfahrung, die von anderen ad-integrum erlernt wurde: von Architektur bis zur Bekleidung, Manieren und Sprache des Sozialen. Diese Anpassung ist größtenteils objektiv und oberflächlich verstanden und hat auf individueller und kollektiver Ebene einen permanenten Konflikt zwischen Alt und Neu, zwischen Gutem und Bösen usw. bewirkt. Die sozialen Peripherien müssen durch den Übergang vom Überlebenskampf und sozialem Parasitismus zur Verwertung jeglichen menschlichen Potentials durch den freien Zugang an Ernährung, Ausbildung und Hygiene humanisiert und begeistigt werden. Die gesellschaftlichen Räume des Leidens zu verachten, bedeutet die Verurteilung der nächsten Generationen zum „alltäglichem Tode” während die soziale Polarisierung sich fehlerhaft in eine exklusivistischen Richtung der Mächtigen und einer menschlichen unkontrollierter Unermesslichkeit entwickelt. In der Geschichte haben solche Experimente Reiche und Zivilisationen zerstört. Man muss aber Eins festhalten, und zwar dass „die Kultur keine Improvisation sein darf”, so wie auch der berühmte Anthropologe Ştefan Milcu meint, denn „die Mentalität der Bevölkerung muss sich ändern” und „ das ist ein Dauerprozess”, kann aber erfolgreich sein, weil „alles um uns herum spricht”. Diese Sprache entschleiert uns die Anthropologie. Das Dossier wird mit dem Artikel des Herrn Octavian Buda mit dem Titel “Das Marginale: ein anthropologisches städtisches Schicksal” eröffnet. Das ist ein Verfahren mit dem Thema der Phänomene des Marginalen in der Geschichte der mittelalterlichen und modernen Stadt. Der Autor spricht über „die Art in welcher im sozialen Leben und in das Leben im medizinischen Kontext das überzeugende Problem der Assoziation der Stigmatisierung und der Beschriftung der Geisteskrankheiten und des Systems der Geistesmedizin erscheint“. Es folgt die Studie „Ein antropologischer Blick auf das Alter“ des verstorbenen Forschers des antropologischen Instituts Fr. Rainer – Der rumänischen Akademie, Ioan Oprescu. Die Geschichte aus der Perspektive einer immer anfälligen Kategorie –die alten Menschen und das Problem des Alters durch die Erstellung einer Karte der Progression im Alter. Ein sehr interessantes Verfahren für Fachleute in den humanistischen und medizinischen Forschungsgebieten. Gemäß dem Autor ist das Altern „ein sehr variabler interindividueller Prozess in welchem die Fähigkeit auf Stress zu Antworten sich verringert, das Risiko der Erkrankung steigt, das homöostatische Mechanismus Schaden erleidet und die kognitive Fähigkeit sich verrigernt usw. Manche finden, dass das Alter eine Krankheit wäre (eine umstrittene Idee) und versuchen diese zu behandeln. Ioan Oprescu meint aber, dass das Altwerden keine Krankheit sei. Corina Popescu veröffentlicht eine interessante Beschreibung der Schnittgebiete des Städtischen, des Stadtrands und der neutralen Zonen, die nicht jemandem bestimmten gehören. Ihr Artikel „Periferika: die Außenseiter in der Antropologie der Randgebiete”, beschreibt die von Mehrdeutigkeit charakterisierten Zonen, die Randgebiete sowie die Übergangsformen der neuen Grenzen der zeitgenössischen Stadt, samt der ganzen Symbole, die sie erzeugen. In dieser Lage befindet sich der Stadtrand, ein Raum mit einer neuen Bedeutung, ein foucaultischen „espace autre”, so wie wir demnächst beweisen werden”. Über die “hohen Kosten der Absonderung Rumäniens” schreibt Lektor Viorel Mionel in einer weiten wissenschaflichen Anklagerede über die Kommunität der Rroma in der rumänischen Stadt. Es folgen zwei Studien über das Phänomene der Prostitution. Auf diese Weise veröffenlicht Dr. Constantin Cheramidoglu den Artikel „Die Prostition in der alten Stadt Constanţa“, wo die Evolution dieser Phänomene aus der geschichtlichen, sozialen und legislativen Perspektive in Constanţa in der modernen und Zwischenkriegszeit dargestellt wird. Es folgt ein Artikel von Cristina Mărculeţ-Petrescu „Die Prostitution in Bukarest in der Zwischenkriegszeit: ein medizinisches und soziales Problem”. Ein gut dokumentierter Artikel, eine simultane Analyse aus der sozialen und medizinischen Perspektive, mit Anweisungen zu der damaligen Gesetzgebung. Die unterirdischen Pfade der Gesellschaft bleiben weiterhin Forschungsgebiete der Soziologen, Psychologen und der Ärzte mit verschiedenen Spezialisierungen, sozio-profesionelle Kategorien welche, durch die Natur ihrer Rolle gezwungen sind, Grenzgebiete zu analysieren, um Ursachen, Auswirkungen und Lösungen zu finden. Die Gesetzgebung ist lückenhaft auch dort, wo sie Mängel decken möchte.

Dr. Adrian Majuru

(Übensetzung in Deutsch von Cristina Mărculeţ-Petrescu)

Marginalul: un destin antropologic urban - Autor: Conf. Dr. Octavian Buda

Stigma and marginalization are fundamentally ethical and social issues. Individuals are part of a network of moral relations upon which their well-being and self-realization depend. As beings inescapably dependent on one another, we have derived ways of living in community. A moral community presupposes a basic trust existing in all interactions between human beings. Marginalization exists, especially in some circumstances, but social life could not exist if mistrust was preeminent. Such moral claims are foundational to the covenant between health professionals and their clients, where more than expertise is demanded. Mental health professionals must be vigilant about the ethics of their practice with individual clients, and about the way their attitudes and actions impact the client’s life. This paper explores why ethical issues associated with mental illness have been generally a challenging social problem in the literature and texts of the discipline of bioethics. Another topic include developments outside of bioethics, in medicine and social life and in the delivery patterns and funding sources of mental health services, and above all the pervasive stigma and labeling that attaches to mental illness. Bioethics could bring would benefit this special area of health care, and why attending to the issues surrounding mental illness would benefit bioethics in meeting its professional obligations as the public voice on matters of ethical significance in health care.

Key words: Stigma, Labeling, Marginal groups, Bioethics and Urban Anthropology

O privire antropologică asupra bătrâneţii - Autor: Dr. Ioan Oprescu

An anthropological view over old age

                Life represents a constant transformation, beginning with the moment of birth and ending with death. The postponing of the moment of parting with life slows down the natural rhythm of this continuous process of transformation and affects evolution. A therefore unnatural phenomenon, it would upset the harmony and efficiency of the balance and evolution mechanisms of life. Old age, so different from other levels of existence, is the culmination of life’s adventure. Life is like a journey with the goal of searching for something, sometimes with great risk, through experimentation, probing etc. The steps we have taken, childhood, youth, maturity, are very distinct from one another, biologically, intellectually, morally, etc. and could each be seen as a life on their own.

                However, old age is the “step of life” which is most complete, most charged with meaning, and aging is the only way to live a dense time through the capitalization of accumulated experience.

Key words: old age, ageing, anthropology, gerontology

Periferica - Marginalii la o antropologie a spaţiilor marginale - Autor: Drd.Corina Popescu

Thematization, the methodological principle of anthropological research reported in contemporary urban space, reveals, in addition to spatial meanings established structures, a few areas of interference, a mixture of divergent spatial elements, areas characterized by ambiguity, giving new forms of organization and thus a new symbols, interesting for any analysis. In this context there are also wastes space – maidan/industrial ruin, preserved elements of the postmodern city blocks, relic, or spaces, forms of archiving past the beginning of an era of urban rectangular standardized and without personality, suffocated by its own cluster.

Key words: urban, periferic, ruins, identity, homless, waste

Costul ridicat al Segregării pentru România - Autor: Lect. univ. dr. geo. Viorel MIONEL


Segregation is a process that is continuously carried out in almost any social context. The presence of segregation creates contradictions. It can expose cases of segregation in the present or in the past. It is counterproductive to indefinitely continue the list of examples. It is better, however, to ask what the cost segregation is and, especially, who is paying for it? For tens and hundreds of years in Western Europe Jews were forced to live in ghettos without enjoying their freedom; that freedom which is referred to when we speak about human rights. Also, Jews were forced to sometimes endure massacres and atrocities, while black people did not enjoy the same opportunities as their white compatriots. Pariah Indians, as well as many more Indians and poor people in other countries, are paying the price of segregation by living in misery and malnutrition. The price today is paid by the poorest and most discriminated against people on the planet. They are also those who absorb increasingly more financial resources from national budgets and other relief funds on “out of poverty” programs and thus of segregation. The present analysis shows the price Romania has to pay for the spatial concentration of poor Roma people in geographical areas which are becoming more like ghettos. Poverty is present in many areas and settlements in Romania, but the most affected are, according to many studies, the Roma people. It is true that they are added to a percent of caregivers of other ethnicities, but the Roma people create specifically sensitive issues of poverty due to space groups that they generated. Therefore, this analysis proposes a very thorough and synthetic research on the social cost that Romania is paying for segregation and the spatial concentration of Roma, respectively. The cost of Roma segregation represents 0.075% of the GDP in 2013. The value reached in the study would be considerably higher if we take into account all forms of social support that geographically segregated poor Roma people benefit from.

Key words: Romania, Roma people, segregation, costs, social assistance

Lect. univ. dr. geo. Viorel MIONEL

Departamentul de Turism şi Geografie Facultatea de Business şi Turism

Academia de Studii Economice

Prostituţia în Constanţa veche - Autor: Dr. Constantin Cheramidoglu


                Situated on the Black Sea Coast, near the main maritime harbour of Romania, where the ships from all over the world came bringing not only merchandise but also a mixed world of sailors, eager to enjoy themselves, Constantza couldn’t have been avoided by the scourge of all harbours in the world, namely the prostitution, which was customary with all the places where a lot of sundry people passed. The first attempt  to get rid of this phenomenon was in 1879, and then special rules appeared for the prostitutes. Nevertheless the phenomenon couldn’t be kept under control, the number of illegal brothels and women who practiced prostitution being on increase. The newspapers of that time and the doctors’reports presented important information on this subject and its impact on society during that period.

Keywords: Constantza, prostitution, rules, brothel.

Dr. Constantin Cheramidoglu

consilier superior la Serviciul Judeţean Constanţa al Arhivelor Naţionale


Prostituţia în Bucureştiul interbelic: o problemă medicală şi socială - Autor: Mărculeţ-Petrescu Cristina



                Prostitution is a complex phenomenon, which has raised through the entire history, some of the most powerful controversies of medical, political and social nature. What is prostitution? Must it be regulated or rather abolished? Must it be accepted, tolerated or combated? Is prostitution a normal phenomenon, or rather reprehendable? This research sets itself to approach the prostitution issue during the interwar period, especially inside of the Capital. Special attention will be granted to articles written by physicians and hygenists.

Key words: prostitution, hygiene, legislation, syphilis, interwar Bucharest

Mărculeţ-Petrescu Cristina

Doctorand în anul II în cadrul Universităţii Bucureşti, Facultatea de Filozofie

]Acest articol a beneficiat de suport financiar prin proiectul ,,Rute de excelenţă academică în cercetarea doctorală şi post-doctorală – READ”, Contract nr. POSDRU/159/1.5/S/137926, proiect cofinanţat din Fondul Social European prin Programul Operaţional Sectorial Dezvoltarea Resurselor Umane 2007-2013.”


Societatea furnicilor versus societatea umană. Sisteme de dezvoltare a spaţiilor comunitare - Autor: Carmen Angela BĂRBAT


                The article represents an anthropological study concerning the Human society comparing to the  Ants society, aiming eventually to throw light upon the structures of their systems of living, either is about underground network of channels made by ants in a perfect communicating efficiency, either is about the human development of the concept and practice of urban sprawl in utopian vision. Is there any similarity? The following lines will illustrate if the world of Ants had inspired other urban planners or even, architects to formulate concepts of urban growth. Or maybe, is just a coincidence.

Key words: Antropology, Human society, Ants society, systems of living, urban sprawl, utopian vision.

Carmen Angela BĂRBAT

Studentă ing. horticultor, anul II Master „Peisaj şi Teritoriu”

Universitatea de Arhitectură şi Urbanism „Ion Mincu“, Bucureşti

Mărturisiri despre relaţia medic-pacient: valori individuale şi valori sociale - Autor: George Cristian Curcă

Confessions on the doctor-patient relationship: individual and social values

                When the doctor-patient relationship is formed, the patient offers their trust while the doctor provides humanity, competence, and professionalism. A few of the moral values which solidify this relation are presented: fidelity, loyalty, duty, diligence, confidentiality, as well as known examples of such relationships. The respect of human dignity, in addition to the respect for the individuality and valor of the human being honor the medic, the professional system as well as the practice itself, appease the conscience, give meaning to the medic’s professional options and their future; only thus can the doctor and the medical system put an end to wrongdoings, and lead to a common good for the patient and for society. The relationship between doctor and patient is discussed from the perspective of legal values and the respect for equal rights, for the good of the individual and of society, from the respect of personal values, of benevolence and non-malevolence. We ask ourselves whether the doctor-patient relationship is sufficiently known for its individual and social values and valency, whether its importance is properly evoked within the social and public health system spheres, and whether society manifests enough responsibility in maintaining it.

Key words: moral values, trust, loyalty, doctor-patient relationship, individual, society.

George Cristian Curcă

Prof. medicina legală şi bioetică,

Universitatea de Medicina şi Farmacie Carol Davila Bucureşti

The Urban Anthropology Journal No.3 (2014)


Revista de Antropologie Urbană Nr.3
The Urban Anthropology Journal - No.3 (2014) - CONTENTS
  • Editorial: Oraşul Reprezentat & Reprezentarea Oraşului – Authors: Antoine Heemeryck, Adrian Majuru (Romanian)
  • Editorial: The Represented City, the Representation of the City – Authors: Antoine Heemeryck, Adrian Majuru (English)
  • Editorial: Ville représentée et représentations de la ville – Authors: Antoine Heemeryck, Adrian Majuru (French)
  • Leitartkel: Die dargestellte Stadt und die Darstellung der Stadt – Author: Antoine Heemeryck, Adrian Majuru (German)
  • On the notion of intimacy in urban art. A step towards sensible exploration – Author: Claudia Sapta
  • Urban space cinematically represented in the context of “socialist modernisation” – Author: Univ. Lecturer Dr. Roxana Cuciumeanu
  • A certain trajectory in Bucharest – the No. 381 Bus. Social and anthropological variation – Author: Drd. Corina D. Popescu
  • The stake of identity conflicts in Chisinau – Authors: Lucian-Ştefan Dumitrescu, Nicolae Ţîbrigan
  • Elements of ruralisation for urban spaces in world music – Author: Elena Şulea
  • Time and Memory of urban foods (an attitude towards food in Romania between the years 1840 and 1940) – Author: Dr. Adrian Majuru
  • The Matache Area – the rise and fall of a community – Author: Andreea Acasandre
  • Water, sewage and modernisation. Victor Babeş and the urban health of Bucharest – Author: Dr. Octavian Buda

Editorial: Oraşul Reprezentat & Reprezentarea Oraşului - Autori: Antoine HEEMERYCK , Adrian MAJURU

În întreaga sa istorie, oraşul, indiferent de arealul cultural şi geopolitic care-i aparţine a fost şi rămâne un mesager şi o matrice a simbolurilor. Dintotdeauna oraşul a fost miracolul rătăcirii în deplin anonimat – anonimatul conferind o anumită libertate de exprimare –, iar sub această protecţie, mesajele protestatare sau de ridiculizare a vreunui personaj public sau politic erau „ziarele” antichităţii; protestele, cuvintele care ar fi atras pedepse sau stigmatul, prindeau cu adevărat glas pe zidurile cetăţilor, caselor, sau strecurându-se discret prin colţuri de stradă sau pavajele marilor răspântii de drumuri ale cetăţii. Astfel de mesaje au fost atestate atît în oraşele Egiptului antic, cât mai ales în lumea greco-romană. În epoca romană târzie cel puţin, indiscreţiile, relaţiile extraconjugale ale unor personaje influente, aventurile lor, precum şi mesajele clare de ameninţare, erau desenate la adăpostul nopţii de mesageri plătiţi. A doua zi, întreaga cetate lua la cunoştinţă de „veştile” nou desenate şi povestite pe ziduri, anonim fiind doar mesagerul, pe când persoanele vizate erau enunţate în mod clar, şi de multe ori astfel de întâmplări hrăneau răzbunări teribile împărţite între taberele adverse. (Joseph Rykwert, 1988) Mesajul grafiti de pildă a avut însă şi alte semnificaţii sau destinaţii: acela de a mulţumi cuiva, zeilor sau vreunui protector binevoitor; adesea mulţi dintre gladiatori în antichitate sau artiste de circ, baletiste, de la medieval la mijlocul secolului al XIX-lea, primeau mesaje de admiraţie pe zidurile cetăţii. Mesajul grafiti din oraşul medieval şi modern, devine un adevărat schimb de polemici atunci când tabere adverse, atât politice cât şi religioase se pregăteau pentru o dispută la vedere. Sloganul desenat pe ziduri pregătea viitoarea confruntare. În oraşul medieval târziu se face cunoscut şi mesajul „desenat” al unor găşti de cartier influente, pentru marcarea teritoriului cu un simbol. Se ştie faptul că, în primele secole de existenţă, creştinii îşi marcau prezenţa cu un mesaj desenat, simbolizat de doi peşti, după cum au existat şi simboluri specifice pe zidurile sau porţile caselor celor proscrişi, în întreg Evul Mediu cu prelungiri în modernitate. Mesajul scris avea menirea de a marca puterea sau tentativa unei impuneri în spaţiu. (James C. Scott, 1998) Oraşul a cunoscut dintotdeauna o adevărată competiţie a mesajelor, a strigătelor anonime, care, în oraşul contemporan, cel puţin pentru ultimele patru decenii, a provocat şi o componentă ludică, dincolo de aceea de ironie. Descendenţa protestului anonim se regăseşte astăzi în arta grafiti, în tot spaţiul urban contemporan, indiferent de arealul cultural. Această universalitate a mesajului anonim cu scop public dovedeşte că există, indiferent de epocă istorică, o expresie de revoltă tăcută, de revelare a adevărurilor ascunse, de răspunsuri care sunt eludate de cei puternici. Astfel de expresii arată remanenţa luptei ideologice între clasele sociale pentru care oraşul devine miză. Aici, putem să luăm drept exemplu Piaţa Universităţii care este cronic acoperită de mesaje diverse cu tonalităţi contestatare, şterse periodic de către autorităţile publice. Astăzi avem un limbaj foarte diversificat de reprezentare, de la protestul individual, strigătul de disperare sau resemnarea vizuală la nivel simbolic, la protestul legitimat printr-un simbol colectiv. Oraşul românesc a recuperat relativ recent realitatea cultural-cotidiană, prin excelenţă urbană a culturii grafiti. Cele mai vechi repere le avem din interbelic, atunci când apar pe gardurile sau zidurile caselor simbolurile unor partide politice, cu prilejul alegerilor. Lupta politică se materializează în universul urban. Primele mesaje care ies din sfera electorală reapar odată cu decembrie 1989 însă cultura grafiti, cu întreaga desfăşurare de simboluri, cucereşte oraşul românesc abia odată cu generaţiile care s-au maturizat începând cu 1990. (Stephen K. Sanderson, Arthur S. Alderson, 2005). Teatru, film, arte vizuale informale, comunităţi virtuale, mesaj arhitectural sau urbanistic, literar sau comportamental, sunt, mesaje ale oraşului reprezentat. Avem personaje felurit colorat-reprezentate, peisaje urbane stilizate simbolic dar şi mesaje îndreptate către orice privire s-ar putea opri preţ de câteva clipe. Mesajul anonim adresat ochilor altor anonimi aduşi de hazard în faţa protestului este o parte foarte vie din viaţa unui oraş; este o parte din diagnosticul necesar şi obligatoriu pentru o lume care se trezeşte din lentoarea comodităţii istorice şi îşi cere dreptul la viaţă. (James C. Scott, 1998) Istoria oraşului este de asemenea istoria puterii şi reprezentarea sa. Bucureştiul comunist este în acest sens un exemplu deosebit cu monumentala «Casa Poporului» (Althabe, 2012), expresia unei puteri totalitare, dar şi pentru celebra «Piaţa Universităţii» loc de dizidenţă şi de luptă politică civilă. Urbanul era principal vector al proiectului comunist de inspiraţie staliniană spre deosebire de doctrina maoistă. Doctrina a fost aplicată cu o violenţă fără termen de comparaţie de către khmerii roşii, în Cambodgia, unde aceştia au golit toate marile oraşe, aceasta fiind prima etapa a politicidului ce a urmat. Dacă schimbăm epoca şi zona geografică, putem să ne aducem aminte cu M. Foucault, că, în timpul Evului mediu, pedepsele erau făcute publice,

 făptaşii fiind torturaţi – făceau atunci „amenda onorabil” – sau executaţi în faţa populației. Expresia puterii, expresia puterii lui Dumnezeu pe care regii îl reprezentau, acest regim de pedepse vroia sa fie încrustat în universul social urban, în conştientul colectiv. Iată de ce, uneori, mesaje de amintire erau lăsate unde se petrecuse crima. Oraşul a fost dintotdeauna un câmp de bătălii ideologice, între se află o parte statul şi forţele sociale care îl susţin şi pe de altă, parte forţele sociale subversive ale ordinei sociale. Această constanţă, se percepe din epoca „Comunei” de la Paris (1871) până în ziua de azi. Geografii radicali, de exemplu, au arătat cum, în ultimii ani, doctrina contra insurgenţei este importată din regimul militar la nivelul oraşului (S. Graham, 2010). Aşadar, observăm la Londra de exemplu o folosire a dronelor pentru a „vâna” populaţia indezirabilă – migraţii, squatter etc. Oricine este un insurgent potenţial în acest dispozitiv de supraveghere. Putem să cităm de asemenea, modul în care uneori militanţii europeni au fost infiltraţi de către serviciile secrete române înainte de a putea manifesta contra summit-ului NATO organizat în Bucureşti. Trebuie să ne amintim că atunci capitala României a fost acoperită de o forţă militaro-poliţienească fără echivalent sub aplauze naive ale elitei mass-mediatice. Lupta pentru spaţiu şi pentru înscrierea simbolică a mesajelor asupra spaţiului creează o tensiune creatoare în mediul urban. Dacă vorbim despre Barcelona, Phnom Penh ori Paris, de fiecare dată observăm o istorie dialectică specifică pentru a controla imaginea urbanului şi ştergerea semnelor contestaţiilor sale. În ziua de azi, întrebarea filosofului Henri Lefebvre despre „un drept la oraş” bântuieşte spaţiul urban. Colonizarea spaţiului trăit este efectiv în centrul viitorului oraş. Însă, într-un context în care instituţiile publice sunt din ce în ce mai puţin democratice, în Europa în mod specific sub acţiunea Uniunii europene, revoltele sunt din ce în ce mai numeroase. Configuraţia politică postdemocratică se adânceşte, şi ca răspuns statele adoptă o legislaţie din ce în ce mai autoritară. Fără să aibă pretenţia de a parcurge problematica aceasta în întregime, dosarul Oraşul reprezentat & Reprezentarea oraşului se vrea un răspuns parţial. Se deschide cu articolul Claudiei Spata, care-şi propune o abordare a relaţiei artistice „care se stabileşte între « artist » – « artă » şi « publicul spectator »-« actor » susţinându-şi tema prin exemplul artistei Rosella Fida, care timp de câteva săptămâni a lucrat direct în spaţiul public, în faţa catedralei din Amiens. Expunerea intimităţii ca proces de creaţie este dezvoltată de Claudia Spata în studiul său: Despre noţiunea de intim în arta urbană. Un demers de explorare sensibilă. Relaţia dintre locuire şi intervenţiile ideologicului în „structurile sentimentului” face subiectul unui studiu semnat de Roxana Cuciumeanu. Autoarea propune o analiză a reprezentărilor oraşului şi a diferitelor forme de articulare a sa în filmele de actualitate româneşti, din perioada 1960-1989. Studiul publicat aici, Spaţiul urban cinematografizat în contextul modernizării socialiste. Locuirea între intervenţie ideologică şi structuri ale sentimentului reprezintă o analiză reprezentativă a resorturilor vieţii domestice aflate sub presiunea ideologiei colectiviste, pentru mediul urban românesc şi rolul cinematografiei în dobândirea conştiinţei socialiste. Mai departe, Corina Popescu face un traseu particular al mediului urban bucureştean post-decembrist, discutând variaţia socio-antropologică a liniei de autobuz 381 din Bucureşti. Axa nord-sud a oraşului este traversată de puţine mijloace de transport în comun, iar analiza de teren propusă de autoare se configurează de la început ca o tendinţă de studiu interdisciplinar. Autoarea discută zonele de manifestare ale eului social având ca pretext delimitările habitudinale prezente într-o călătorie, unde scenariile comportamentale oferă o interesantă teritorializare a manifestărilor. Arta grafiti prezentată prin „miza luptelor identitare din Chişinău” este discutată de Lucian-Ştefan Dumitrescu şi Nicolae Ţîbrigan plecând de la o analiză foarte aplicată asupra identităţilor strategice anti-unioniste din Republica Moldova. Aici se disting trei doctrine politice, care s-au manifesttat între anii 1990-2000, numite de autori după numele celor care le-au generat: Snegur, Voronin şi Ghimpu. Autorii suţin că nu există o conştiinţă naţională moldovenească, „statalitatea în R. Moldova fiind mult prea slabă pentru a implementa un proiect politic de o asemenea anvergură”. În final, etnologul Elena Şulea discută prezenţa elementelor de ruralizare a urbanului în world music, analizând o serie de cazuri din România şi continentul european. Potrivit autoarei „muzica lumii se află sub semnul hibridităţii şi se petrece o migrare a manifestărilor culturale din spaţiul rural, spre cel urban”. Societăţile de larg consum au determinat efectul de ruralizare a urbanizării prin intermediul world-music-ului ca efect al nevoii individului de a-şi exprima identitatea prin apelarea la muzicile tradiţionale.

Editorial: The Represented City, the Representation of the City - Authors: Antoine HEEMERYCK , Adrian MAJURU

Regardless of its circumscribed cultural and geopolitical area, the city has been both a purveyor and a matrix of symbols throughout its history. The city has always been the miracle of wandering anonymously, which confers a certain freedom of speech. Under this form of protection, the messages whereby a certain public or political figure was contested or ridiculed stood for “the newspapers” of Antiquity. The protests, the words that would have made people incur punishments or be stigmatised were uttered on the walls of citadels or houses or were sneaked through street corners or though the pavements of the large crossroads of the citadel. Such messages were attested both in ancient Egyptian cities and particularly in the Greek-Roman world. In the late Roman period, indiscretions, extramarital affairs of some influent figures, their adventures as well as clear threatening messages were drawn by paid messengers during the night. The next day, the entire citadel could see the newly drawn “news” that was told on the walls. The messenger was anonymous whereas the targeted persons were clearly mentioned. Most of the times, such events fuelled a terrible revenge nurtured by opposite camps. (Joseph Rykwert, 1988) For instance, the graffiti’s meanings and aims were much more numerous: it was used to thank someone, to thank the gods or some good-willed protector. Many gladiators or circus performers of Antiquity received admiration messages on the walls of the citadel. The same happened to female ballet dancers from the Middle Ages to the mid-19th century. The graffiti in the medieval and modern city becomes a medium of polemical exchanges when both political and religious opponent camps were poised to have a face-to-face dispute. The slogan drawn on the walls prepared the next confrontation. Also, the late medieval city became popular due to the message “drawn” by some influent neighbourhood gangs in order to invest the territory with a highly symbolic meaning. It is well known that in the first centuries the Christians used to mark their presence by a drawn message that showed two fish. From the Middle Ages through to modernity, specific symbols could also be found on the walls or gates of the outcasts’ houses. The written message aimed to mark the power or the intention to appropriate the space. (James C. Scott, 1998) The city has always witnessed a real message, as well as an anonymous cry competition which, in contemporary city, at least in the last four decades, has acquired a ludic dimension that trespasses irony. Regardless of cultural areas, contemporary urban space is marked by an anonymous protest that can be found in graffiti art. The universality of the public-oriented anonymous message proves that, regardless of historical ages, it is expressive of a silent revolt, of a revelation of hidden truths, of answers which are eluded by the strong. Such an expression shows that the reminiscent ideological struggle between social classes turns the city into a real stake. The University Square is a telling example, as it is inundated with various protest messages which are periodically wiped by the public authorities. Today the language of representation has been more and more diversified. It ranges from the individual protest, the desperate cry or the symbolically visual resignation to a form of protest legitimated by a collective symbol. The Romanian city has only recently retrieved the everyday cultural and particularly urban reality of graffiti culture. The oldest references date back to the interwar period. When elections were held, symbols of different political parties were drawn on the fences or walls of the houses. The political struggle materialises in the urban milieu. The first non-election messages re-emerged in December 1989, but the wide array of symbols defining graffiti culture began to prevail over the Romanian city only when the then generations got mature starting 1990. (Stephen K. Sanderson, Arthur S. Alderson, 2005) Theatre, film, informal visual arts, virtual communities, architectural, urban, literary or behaviour-related messages are all instances of the represented city. There are all sorts of characters represented in different colours, symbolically stylised urban landscapes and messages that could be spotted by anyone who would take a brief look at them. The anonymous message that is to be seen by other anonymous people who are by hazard involved in a protest is a vivid part of the life of a city; it is part of the necessary and compulsory diagnosis that awakens the world from the slow course of history and makes it claim its right to life. (James C. Scott, 1998) The history of the city is also the history of power and its representation. In this sense, the communist Bucharest with its monumental “House of the People” (Althabe, 2012) is a special example in this respect. It is expressive of both totalitarian power and the famous “University Square”, a place of dissidence and civil political fight. The urban milieu was the major vector of Stalin-inspired communist project opposed to the Maoist doctrine. The doctrine was implemented with an unprecedented violence by the Red Khmers in Cambodia, where they emptied all the big cities. This was the first phase of the upcoming politicide. If we consider a different age and geographical area, one can remember with M. Foucault that in the Middle Ages, punishments were performed in public, the wrongdoers were tortured – they paid an “honourable fine” – or executed in front of people.

 This was suggestive of power, of God’s power embodied by kings. This punishment regime wanted to be embedded in the urban social space, in collective consciousness. This is why some messages were left where the crime had taken place. The city has always been the battlefield of ideological disputes between the state and the social forces that uphold it, on the one hand, and, on the other, between the subversive forces of social order. This constant situation has been perceived since the age of “the Paris Commune” (1871) to this day. In recent years, radical geographers, for instance, have shown that the doctrine against insurgence has been imported from the military regime to the city (S. Graham, 2010). Therefore, we notice that London, for example, uses drones in order to “hunt” the undesirable population – migrations, squatters, etc. Anybody is a potential insurgent in this surveillance device. Also, one can invoke the manner in which the Romanian intelligence service infiltrated European militants before they could rally against the NATO summit held in Bucharest. We must remember that at the time, the capital of Romania swarmed with unparalleled military and police forces under the naïve applause of elite mass-media. The struggle for space and the space’s symbolic inscription with messages trigger a creative tension in the urban milieu. If we refer to Barcelona, Phnom Penh or Paris, we notice a specific dialectical history which controls the image of the urban and erases its signs of contestation. Philosopher Henri Lefebvre’s question about “the right to the city” is haunting the urban space today. Colonising the lived space underlies the future of the city. However, in a context in which public institutions are less and less democratic, especially in Europe because of the EU’s actions, rebellions are by far more numerous. The post-democratic political configuration is deepening. In response, all the states adopt an even more authoritarian legislation. Without approaching this issue thoroughly, the dossier entitled Oraşul reprezentat & Reprezentarea oraşului (The Represented City & the Representation of the City) claims to be only a partial answer. It opens with an article written by Claudia Spata, who aims to discuss the artistic relation “established between artist and art, on the one hand, and the public spectator and actor, on the other. Her argument is backed by the example of the female artist Rosella Fida, who worked for a few weeks directly in the public space, in front of the cathedral of Amiens. Claudia Spata tackles the display of privacy as a process of creation in her study entitled Despre noţiunea de intim în arta urbană. Un demers de explorare sensibilă (“On the Notion of Intimacy in urban Art: A Sensitive Exploratory Approach”). The relationship between habitation and ideological interventions in “the structures of feeling” is the subject of the study written by Roxana Cuciumeanu. She proposes an analysis of the representations of the city as well as of other forms of articulating it in Romanian films produced between 1960 and 1989. The study published here, Spaţiul urban cinematografizat în contextul modernizării socialiste. Locuirea între intervenţie ideologică şi structuri ale sentimentului (“The Cinematographed Urban Space in the Context of Socialist Modernisation: Habitation between Ideological Intervention and Structures of Feeling”), analyses both the role that domestic life pressured by collectivist ideology plays for the Romanian urban environment and the role of cinematography in acquiring socialist consciousness. Further on, Corina Popescu tracks Bucharest’s post-1989 urban milieu, discussing about the socio-anthropological variation of the bus route 381 in Bucharest. The north-south axis of the city is scarcely served by public transport. From the outset, the field work proposed by the author presents itself as an interdisciplinary attempt. The author discusses the way in which the social self manifests itself. Its pretext is represented by habitudinal delimitations on a trip in which behavioural scenarios offer interesting territorialized types of behaviour. Lucian-Ştefan Dumitrescu and Nicoale Ţîbrigan analyse graffiti art presented through “identity disputes in Chişinău”. They start from an applied analysis of the anti-unionist strategic identities forged in the Republic of Moldova. Three are the political doctrines that unfolded between 1990 and 2000. They bear the name of those who gave birth to them: Snegur, Voronin and Ghimpu. The authors claim that there is no Moldovan national consciousness, as “statehood in the Republic of Moldova is too weak to be able to implement such a massive political project”. Finally, ethnologist Elena Şulea discusses the presence of elements that turn the urban into the rural in world music. She investigates a series of cases that have occurred both in Romania and across Europe. According to the author, “world music lies under the sign of hybridity. Cultural phenomena are migrating from the rural to the urban space”. Consumer societies have determined the extent to which the urban has gone rural by means of world music as an effect of the individual’s need to express his identity by having recourse to traditional kinds of music.

English version by Dragoş IVANA

Editorial: Ville représentée et représentations de la ville - Auteurs: Antoine HEEMERYCK , Adrian MAJURU

Au long de son histoire, la ville, quelle que soit l’aire culturelle et géopolitique considérée, a été et reste un messager et une matrice de symboles spécifiques. La ville a toujours donné la possibilité d’une perte dans l’anonymat, anonymat qui ne va pas sans procurer une certaine liberté d’expression. Sous cette protection, les messages protestataires ou ceux qui ridiculisaient un personnage public formaient d’une certaine façon les ancêtres des journaux satiriques. La protestation ou les mots qui auraient entraîné une stigmatisation ou une peine publique s’affichaient sur les murs de la cité, des maisons en se faufilant discrètement. L’existence de ce type de message est attestée tant dans les villes de l’Egypte antique que dans le monde gréco-romain. Dans la dernière période romaine au moins, les indiscrétions, les relations extra-conjugales de certains personnages célèbres tout comme des messages de menace étaient dessinés pendant la nuit par des messagers anonymes payés à cet effet. Le jour suivant, la cité entière prenait connaissance de ces „nouvelles” dessinées et racontées sur les murs. Souvent, de telles pratiques nourrissaient des vendettas entre groupes sociaux (Rykwert, 1988). Le message type graffiti par exemple a connu d’autres significations ou d’autres finalités : celle de faire l’éloge ou de remercier les dieux ou un bienfaiteur, souvent de nombreux gladiateurs de l’antiquité ou des artistes de crique, de ballet, de l’époque médiévale jusqu’au milieu du XIXe siècle, recevait des messages d’admiration inscrits sur les murs des villes. Le graffiti de la ville médiévale et moderne, devient un véritable support d’échanges de polémiques entre clans adverses, politique comme religieux, sous forme de prolégomènes quand ces derniers se préparaient pour une dispute en public. Les slogans dessinés sur les murs préparaient les adversaires à la confrontation à proprement parler. Dans la ville médiévale tardive, les messages „dessinés” deviennent des instruments de marquage symbolique du territoire pour les groupes influents dans le quartier concerné. Nous savons que, pendant les premiers siècles d’existence du christianisme, ses affidés marquaient leur présence par un message dessiné, symbolisé par deux poissons. Il existait également des symboles spécifiques inscrits sur les murs ou les maisons des proscrits au cours du moyen-âge, pratique qui se prolongea jusqu’à l’époque moderne (Scott, 1998). La ville a toujours été le lieu d’une compétition des messages, des cris anonymes, qui, dans la ville contemporaine, au moins pour les quatre dernières décennies, contient une composante ludique, au-delà de celle de l’ironie. La descendance de la protestation anonyme se retrouve aujourd’hui dans l’art graffiti, dans tout l’espace urbain contemporain, nonobstant l’aire culturelle considérée. Cette universalité du message anonyme qui a vocation à devenir public prouve qu’il existe, au-delà des différentes phases de l’histoire, une expression de révolte cachée, qui révèle une vérité enfouie, éludée par ceux qui exercent le pouvoir. Ce type de messages montre une permanence de la lutte idéologique entre classes sociales dont la représentation de la ville est l’enjeu. Ici nous pouvons évoquer l’exemple de la Place de l’Université de Bucarest qui est chroniquement recouvertes de messages divers à la tonalité contestataire, effacés périodiquement par les autorités publiques. De nos jours, s’observe un langage très diversifié de représentations, de la protestation individuelle, du cri de détresse ou de résignation visuels au mouvement collectif représenté par un ou plusieurs symboles. La ville roumaine a récupéré relativement récemment la réalité de la culture quotidienne, par excellence urbaine, de la culture graffiti. Les plus anciennes marques datent de l’entre-deux guerres, lorsqu’apparaissent sur les devantures des maisons les symboles de partis politiques au moment des élections. Ceci illustre comment la lutte politique se matérialise dans l’univers urbain. Les premiers messages qui sortent de l’emprise électorale réapparaissent en décembre 1989. Mais la culture graffiti gagne la ville seulement avec les générations qui sont devenues mature à partir des années 1990 (Sanderson, Alderson, 2005). Théâtre, film, arts visuels informels, communautés virtuelles, messages architecturaux ou urbanistiques, sont, des signifiés de la ville représentée. Il existe une multitude d’acteurs qui interviennent dans cette dynamique de construction de l’univers symbolique de la ville, certains consacrés, d’autres informelles. On notera que le message anonyme adressé à d’autres, anonymes, perçu par le biais du hasard, est une pratique très dynamique dans la vie de la ville (Scott, Idem). L’histoire de la ville est également une histoire du pouvoir et de sa représentation. La ville de Bucarest en donne une illustration frappante. La construction, à la fin du régime communiste, de la „Maison du peuple” et du „centre civique”, représentent les expressions d’un pouvoir totalitaire. A l’inverse, la célèbre Place de l’Université est un lieu qui symbolise de la dissidence et les luttes politiques civiles (Althabe, 2012). L’urbain était le principal vecteur du projet communiste d’inspiration stalinienne au contraire de la doctrine maoïste qui voyait dans la coopérative agricole la quintessence du communisme. Cette doctrine a été appliquée avec une violence historique par les khmers rouges au Cambodge, où les villes ont été vidées de leur habitants, avant que ne débute le politicide. Si nous changeons d’époque et de zone géographique, nous pouvons nous rappeler avec M. Foucault que, au cours du moyen-âge, les punitions étaient appliquées en public; les coupables étaient torturées – ils faisaient « amende honorable » – jusqu’à ce que mort s’ensuive. La violence de la peine était proportionnelle au principe de légitimation utilisé par le pouvoir: la représentation de dieu lui-même.

Ce régime de peine se devait d’être inscrit dans l’univers social urbain, dans la conscience collective. C’est pourquoi, parfois, des messages étaient laissés visibles là où avaient eu lieu le crime. L’histoire de la ville montre qu’elle est un champ de bataille idéologique entre d’un côté l’État et les forces sociales qui le soutiennent et de l’autre les mouvements subversifs de cet ordre social. Ceci peut être perçu à travers des exemples célèbres comme celui de la Commune de Paris (1871). Plus récemment, les géographes radicaux ont montré comment la doctrine de la contre insurrection est importée du domaine militaire à celui de la gestion/construction urbaine (Graham, 2010). Ainsi observe-t-on à Londres par exemple l’utilisation de drone pour chasser les populations indésirables – les migrants, les squatters, etc. Dans ce dispositif de surveillance, tout à chacun peut être un insurgent potentiel. On peut également citer la façon dont des militants européens ont été infiltré par les services secrets roumains avant qu’ils ne puissent manifester contre l’OTAN au sommet de Bucarest en 2014. Il est opportun de rappeler qu’à cette occasion, Bucarest a été recouvert d’une force militaro-policière sans équivalent dans un régime démocratique, et ce sous les applaudissements naïfs des médias de masse. La lutte pour l’espace et pour l’inscription symbolique des messages dans l’espace créent une tension créative en milieu urbain. On pourrait prendre des exemples multiples de Barcelone à Phnom Penh. De façon générale, nous observons l’histoire dialectique spécifique pour le contrôle de l’image de l’urbain et l’effacement des signes de la contestation. Une fois encore on peut prendre l’exemple de la Place de l’Université de Bucarest où avant chaque élection les messages sont effacés. Aujourd’hui, la question du philosophe Henri Lefebvre proposant un droit à la ville hante encore l’espace urbain. La colonisation de l’espace vécu est effectivement au centre de l’avenir de la ville. Cependant, dans un contexte dans lequel les institutions publiques sont de moins en moins démocratiques, en Europe en particulier sous le poids de l’Union européenne, les révoltes deviennent de plus en plus nombreuses. La configuration postdémocratique qui est la nôtre s’approfondie et en réponse les États adoptent une législation de plus en plus autoritaires. Sans prétendre englober cette problématique dans son ensemble, le dossier thématique Ville représentée, représentation de la ville, se veut une réponse partielle à cette perspective. L’article de Claudia Sapta ouvre ce dossier. L’auteur propose d’aborder la relation artistique qui se crée entre « l’artiste, l’art et le public spectateur ». Cette question est traitée à travers l’exemple de Rosella Fida qui, pendant plusieurs semaines, a travaillé directement dans l’espace public, face à la cathédrale de la ville d’Amiens. L’exposition de l’intime est développée par Claudia Sapa dans son étude : « De la notion de l’intime dans l’art urbain. Une démarche exploratrice sensible. » La relation entre la location au sens le plus général et l’intervention idéologique dans les « structures sentimentales » est l’objet d’une recherche réalisée par Roxana Cuciumeanu. L’auteur propose une analyse des représentations de la ville et de ses différentes formes d’articulation dans les films d’actualité roumains au cours de la période 1960-1989. L’article publié ici « L’espace urbain cinématographié dans le contexte de la modernisation socialiste » est une analyse représentative des ressorts de la vie domestiques sous la pression de l’idéologie collectiviste et le rôle de la cinématographie dans le développement d’une conscience socialiste. Ensuite, Corina Popescu aborde un tracée particulier de l’environnement urbain bucarestois postcommuniste, discutant les variations socio-anthropologiques de la ligne d’autobus 381. La ligne nord-sud de la ville – son axe de développement historique avant la période communiste – est traversée par peu de moyens de transports publics. L’auteur discute, dans une perspective interdisciplinaire, les manifestations du « moi » social dans le cadre des habitudes présentes dans ces transports où les palettes (pattern) de comportements offre une intéressante territorialisation de ces manifestations. Lucian-Ştefan Dumitrescu et Nicoale Ţîbrigan traite dans leur article des enjeux des luttes identitaires à Chişinau en étudiant les graffitis. Les auteurs partent d’une analyse très minutieuse des stratégies anti-unionistes en République de Moldavie. Trois doctrines, liées à trois figures politiques, se sont manifestées au cours de la décennie 1990-2000, peuvent être distinguées: Snegur, Voronin et Ghimpu. Les auteurs soutiennent que le concept de conscience nationale ne saurait être appliqué ici, « L’État étant beaucoup trop faiblement développée pour mettre un projet politique d’une telle envergure ». Le dernier article de ce dossier thématique met l’accent sur la ruralisation de l’urbain dans la world music. Elena Sulea analyse une série de cas de Roumanie et d’autres relevant de l’Europe. Selon l’auteur « cette musique est le produit d’une hybridation et l’on observe une migration des manifestations culturelles du rural vers l’urbain ». Les sociétés de large consommation ont engendré une ruralisation de l’urbanisation par l’intermédiaire de la world-music comme reflet des besoins individuels d’expression de l’identité par un appel aux musiques traditionnelles.

Version en francaise par Antoine Heemeryck

Leitartkel: Die dargestellte Stadt und die Darstellung der Stadt - Autor: Antoine HEEMERYCK , Adrian MAJURU

Im Laufe ihrer Geschichte war die Stadt ein Bote und eine Matrix für Symbole, unabhängig von ihrem kulturellen und geopolitischen Wirkungsbereich. Die Stadt verkörperte immer das Wunder des Irren in der Anonymität, die dem Individuum eine bestimmte Meinungsfreiheit ermöglichte. Von dieser Freiheit geschützt, waren die Protest- und Verspottungsbotschaften die „Zeitschriften” der Antike. Die Proteste, Worte, die allgemein Strafe oder Stigmatisierung einbrachten, waren erst auf die Mauern der Burgen und Häuser zu hören, indem sie sich durch Straßenecken und große Burgkreuzungen schlichen. Solche Botschaften waren nicht nur im alten Ägypten zu finden sondern meistens auch in dem griechisch-römischen Raum. Vor allem in der römischen Spätantike kamen die Indiskretionen, die außerehelichen Verhältnisse der bekannten Figuren, ihre Abenteuer und Bedrohungsnachrichten, in der Nacht überall durch Zeichnungen ans Licht.Am nächsten Tag kannte ein jeder die Geschichten. Unbekannt blieb nur der Bote, indem die Namen der betroffenen Personen explizit angegeben wurden. Solche Ereignisse bewegten die feindlichen Lagern zu furchtbaren Rachen. (Joseph Rykwert, 1988) Die Graffiti-Botschaften hatten aber auch andere Bedeutungen oder Bestimmungen: Sie waren Danksagungen für Götter oder gutmütige Beschützer. Häufig wurden den Gladiatoren in der Antike oder den Zirkuskünstlerinnen und Baletttänzerinnen vom Mittelalter bis Mitte des XIX. Jahrhunderts Verehrungsbotschaften auf die Mauern der Burg gewidmet. Die Graffiti-Botschaft in der mittelalterlichen und modernen Stadt wird zu einem Polemikenwechsel im Moment, wo die feindlichen Lager (politisch oder religiös) sich für eine öffentliche Auseinandersetzung vorbereiteten. In der mittelalterlichen Stadt macht sich die „gezeichnete” Botschaft der einflußreichen Banden, die ihr Territorium mit einem Symbol markieren wollten, bekannt. Selbst die Christen, in den ersten Jahrhunderten, signalierten ihre Präsenz durch eine gezeichnete Botschaft (zwei Fische). Bestimmte Symbole wurden auch an die Mauer und die Tore der Gesetzlosen gezeichnet, vom Mittelalter bis in die Gegenwart. Diese Botschaft markierte die Macht oder den Versuch, sich in einem bestimmten Raum durchzusetzen. (James C. Scott, 1998) Die Stadt erlebte einen wahren Botschaftwettbewerb, einen Wettbewerb der anonymen Schreie, der nicht nur von Ironie sondern auch von einem spielerischen Charakter geprägt war, vor allem in den letzten vier Jahrzehnten. Die Spur dieses anonymen Protestes ist heute in der Graffiti Kunst wiederzufinden, in dem ganzen städlichen Raum, unabhängig vom kulturellen Bereich. Diese Universalität der anonymen Botschaft mit öffentlichem Zweck, ist der Beweis dafür, dass es unabhängig von der historischen Epoche, immer eine stille Empörung mit einem Drang nach der Offenbarung der versteckten Wahrheit gibt.Dieser Ausdruck weist auf die Remanenz des ideologischen Kampfes zwischen den sozialen Klassen, wo die Stadt als Preis gilt. Hier können wir als Beispiel den Universitätsplatz nehmen. Alle Mauern sind mit verschiedenen Botschaften bedeckt, die regelmäßig von den Autoritäten abgewischt werden. Heute haben wir eine sehr vielfältige Darstellungssprache: den individuellen Protest, den Verzweiflungsschrei, die symbolische visuelle Resignation bis zum einem durch ein Symbol legitimierten kollektiven Protest. Die rumänische Stadt hat erst vor kurzem die städliche Realität der Graffiti-Kultur übernommen. Die ältesten Beweise stammen aus der Zwischenkrigszeit. Auf den Mauern und Tore der Häuser erscheinen vor den Wahlen die Symbole der verschiedenen politischen Parteien. Der politische Kampf materialisiert sich in dem städlichen Universum. Die ersten Botschaften, die sich dem Wahlbereich entzogen haben, erscheinen erst in Dezember 1989. Die Graffiti Kultur etabliert sich aber in der rumänischen Stadt erst nach dem Jahr 1990. (Stephen K.Sanderson, Arthur S.Alderson, 2005) Das Theater, der Film, die bildenden Künste, die virtuellen Gemeinschaften, die architektonische, urbanistische, literarische, komportamentelle Botschaft sind Botschaften der dargestellten Stadt. Es gibt verschiedene bunt abgebildete Figuren, symbolisch stilisierte Stadtlandschaften aber auch einem schnellen Blick gewidmeteBotschaften. Die anonyme Botschaften, die sich an anonymen Augen wenden, sind ein sehr lebendiges Teil des Stadtlebens. Sie sind ein Teil der notwendigen und obligatorischen Diagnose für eine Welt die ausihrer historischen Bequemlichkeit aufwacht und ihr Lebensrecht verlangt. (James C. Scott, 1998) Die Geschichte der Stadt ist zugleich auch die Geschichte der Macht und deren Darstellung. Bukarest ist ein guter Beispiel, mit seinem „Parlamentsgebäude”, der Ausdruck einer totalitären Macht. (Althabe, 2012) Hier zu erwähnen ist auch der Universiätsplatz, der Ort eines politisch-zivilen Kampfes. Die Stadt war der Hauptvektor des kommunistischen Projekts, der im Gegensatz zur maoistischen Doktrin, von stalinistischer Inspiration war. Diese Doktrin wurde in Kambodscha mit unheimlicher Gewalt von den roten Khmer angewandt, indem sie alle große Städte ausgeleert haben. Diese war aber nur die erste Etappe des kommenden Politizids. Kehren wir in eine andere Epoche zurück, erinnern wir uns durch M. Foucault daran, dass im Mittelalter die Strafen öffentlich vollzogen wurden.

Die Täter wurden gefoltert oder vor dem ganzen Volk hingerichtet. Dieses Strafenregime war die Äusserung der Macht Gottes, in der Person des Königs. Die Strafen mussten zum Teil des kollektiven Bewusstseins werden, sodass am Ort des Verbrechens manchmal Erinnerungsbotschaften zurückgelassen wurden. Zu erwähnen ist hier auch die Tatsache, dass vor der Bewegung gegen das NATO-Treffen, Europa-Aktivisten vom rumänischen Geheimdienste infiltriert wurden. Damals war ganz Bukarest von Militär und Polizei besetzt, im naiven Beifall der Massmedia-Elite. Die Stadt war immer ein Kriegsfeld für Ideologien. Auf einer Seite befand sich der Staat und die soziale Mächte, die ihn unterstützen und auf der anderen Seite die staatsgefährdende gesellschaftliche Macht der sozialen Ordnung. Diese Konstanz bemerkt man seit der Pariser Kommune (1871) bis heute. Die radikalen Geographen zeigten, dass die Doktrine gegen dem Aufstand in den letztren Jahren vom Militär beeinflusst wurde (S. Graham, 2010).Zu bemerken ist die Tatsache, dass in London Drohnen zur „Jagd“ der unwillkommenen Einwohnerschaft – squatter etc.-benutzt wurden. Jeder ist ein potentieller Aufständischer in diesem Überwachungsapparat. Der Krieg für Raum und symbolische Einzeichnung der Botschaften im Raum führt zu einer schöpferischen Spannung im Stadtmilieu. Sei es die Rede über Barcelona, Phnom Penh oder Paris, fällt in allen Fällen eine spezifische dialektische Geschichte auf, die die Kontrolle über das Bild der Stadt und das Löschen seiner Anfechtungszeichen betrifft. Heutzutage sucht die Frage des Philosophen, Henri Lefebre, nach einem Stadtrecht den Stadtraum heim. Die Kolonisierung des Lebenraums befindet sich im Zentrum der Stadtzukunft. Aber in einem Kontext, in dem die öffentlichen Institutionen immer weniger demokratrisch sind, vor allem in Europa wegen der Europäischen Union, sind die Aufstände immer häufiger. Die politische nachdemokratische Konfiguration verschwindet langsam sodass, als Antwort, die Staaten eine steigernde autoritäre Gesetzgebung übernehmen. Unser Thema, „Die dargestellte Stadt und die Darstellung der Stadt“ versucht eine partielle Antwort zu finden, ohne den Anspruch zu haben, die Problematik im Ganzen auszuschöpfen. Der erste Artikel, von Claudia Spata nimmt sich vor, die Beziehung zwischen „Künstler“ – „Kunst“ und „Publikum“ – „Schauspieler“ vorzubringen. Dafür greift sie zum Beispiel der Künstlerin Rosella Fida, die mehrere Wochen im öffentlichen Raum, vor der Armiens-Kathedrale gearbeitet hat. Die Zurausstellung der Intimität als Schaffungsprozess wird von Claudia Spata in ihrem Studium entwickelt: „Über dan Begriff der Intimität in der Stadtkunst. Ein Verfahren für die sinnliche Erforschung.“ Roxana Cuciureanus Studium hat als Hauptthema die Beziehung zwischen die Bewohnung und das Eingreifen des Ideologischen in den „Strukturen des Gefühls„. Die Autorin versucht eine Analyse der Stadtdarstellungen und der verschiedenen Gestaltungsweisen in den rumänischen Filme aus der Zeistspanne 1960-1989durchzuführen. Ihr Studium „Die Verfilmung des städtischen Raumes im Kontext der sozialistischen Modernisierung. Die Bewohnung zwischen der ideologischen Intervention und die Sinnesstrukturen“ ist eine Analyse der Lebensbereiche unter dem Druck der kollektivistischen Ideologie wie auch die Darstellung der Rolle des Kinos in der Erwerbung des sozialistischen Bewusstseins. Weiter untersucht Corina Popescu die Verkehrsstrecke des Busses 391 in Bukarest und stellt somit die sozio-anthropologische Variation dieser Linie fest. Die Axe Norden-Süden wird von sehr wenigen öffentlichen Verkerhsmitteln überquert. Die Feldanalyse der Autorin versteht sich von Anfang an als eine Tendenz zu einem interdisziplinären Studium. Die Autorin bespricht die verschiedenen Manifestationen des sozialen Ichs zwischen den gewöhnlichen Begrenzungen einer Reise. Hier weisen die verschiedenen Benehmensszenarien auf eine interessante Teritorialisierung der Manifestationen. Lucian-Ştefan Dumitrescu und Nicoale Ţîbrigan untersuchen die Graffiti Kunst aus dem Sichtpunkt des Einsatzes in den Identitätskriegen aus Chisinau. Die Analyse ruht auf die anti-unionistischen Identitäten in der Republik Moldau. Hier kann man drei Doktrinen, die sich in der Zeispanne 1990-2000 manifestiert haben, unterscheiden. Die Doktrinen wurden nach ihren Gründern benannt: Snegur, Voronin und Ghimpu. Die Autoren sind der Meinung, dass es in Moldawien kein nationales moldauisches Bewusstsein gibt. Der Grund dafür ist die Staatlichkeit in Moldawien, die zu schwach für die Implementation eines so umfangreiches Projektes ist. Zum Schuss spricht die Ethnologin Elena Şulea über die Anwesenheit der Elemente, die zur Ruralisierung des Städtischen führen, vor allem in die World Music. Die Autorin analysiert einige Fälle in Rumänien und Europa. Laut Frau Şulea, ist die Musik von Hibridität betroffen und man bemerkt eine Migration der kulturellen Manifestationen aus dem ruralen Raum im städtischen Raum“. Die Konsumgesellschaften determinierten die Ruralisierungen der Urbanisierung durch die World Music, als Bedürfnis des Individums, durch die traditionelle Musik seine eigene Identität zu äußern.

Übensetzung in Deutsch von Cristina Mărculeţ-Petrescu

Despre noţiunea de Intim în arta urbană. Un demers de explorare sensibilă - Autor: Claudia SAPTA


                This paper proposes a foray into the urban art world, based on facility type experiences. Urban space can be perceived as a result of successive construction and deconstruction, both real and symbolic. In this optic, we can address this artistic situation from two perspectives, namely:  the first one carrying imaginative visions manifested on the margin of the anthropological approach of the cultural current (imaginary projection, dream structures, meditative reveries); the second one, responding to several dimensions of concrete communicational interactions. In respect to this approach, I decided to use a transdisciplinary method. The theoretical framework is complemented by a practical exploration approach, exemplified by the work of the sculptor Rosella Fida who presented for two weeks to a public audience intrinsic methods and creative ways based on the thematic concept of indoor and outdoor space. Therefore, the public of Amiens – with the role of actor and spectator – could participate in an adventure of artistic self-exploration, in a global context when the question of who we are and why so hurry becomes more intense than ever.

Keywords: urban facility, sensitive experience, communication, transdisciplinarity.

Spaţiul urban cinematografizat în contextul „modernizării socialiste”. Locuirea între intervenţie ideologică şi „structuri ale sentimentului” - Autor: Lect. univ. dr. Roxana CUCIUMEANU


   This article provides a sociological reading of the cinematic representations of the city seen as a referential social framework in the context of modernizing changes during socialism. The research on which is based this article explores the ways in which the actuality cinematic imaginary of the socialist époque instrumentalizes the urban context, providing an interpretive schema with reflective nuances for understanding the representations and meanings of the city (from the city seen in its physical, conceptual structure to the city seen in the perspective of subjective experience, as a form of fluid interference between ”immediacy” and ”historical”). The analysis allows the revealing and observation of urban world captured and structured in images modelled according to two orders of reality: the objective order and the subjective order (the image as it is perceived through vision and the image as it is created through imagination). One of the important theme of the actuality cinematic imaginary during socialism (with exact reference to the period 1960-1989) which approaches the urban way of life is represented by the subject of housing as a main dimension of the socialist urbanization/modernization. The article provides an analysis of the representations of the city and of various forms of its articulation in   the actuality films during the period mentioned (41 actuality films produced between 1960-1989), analysis focused on one of the major objects of urban space – the block of flats, as the standardized figure of the socialist architectonics under the influence of socialist realism of soviet origin. From the space conceived for habitation to the lived experience of habitation, we identify a significant distance susceptible to generate the manifestation of what Raymond Williams names ”structures of feeling” (1977), an area of multiple redefinitions and fluidizations both at the level of material and utilitarian spatial practices and the level of housing imaginary as representational universe incorporating values, significances and meanings, including symbolic ones too. It is exactly this aspect which proves to be the most prolific in order to identify the real effects of the socialist space over social and individual biography in the context of the city. And that for it integrates the tensions between what we would name a particular ”spatial determinism” ideologically structured and materialized in fix forms (the living spaces represent one of the most spectacular stance from this point of view) and certain degrees of freedom in ”taking over” the space and in its value, utilitarian and symbolic redefinition through individualizing strategies, transforming it into a space class of ”solution” type to the context of a predefined model and which distinguishes by its creative character. The analysis approach on the housing question in the cinematic imaginary instrumentalizes the perspective of the ”subjective” and the significance of the ”formative process” in the social experience of housing, related to the trichotomic conception of Henri Lefebvre (1991) on social space (”conceived”, ”lived” and ”perceived”).

Keywords: urbanization, socialism, ideology, social space, housing, cinema, socialist realism.

Un traseu oarecare din Bucureşti – autobuzul 381. Variaţie socio-antropologică - Autor: drd. Corina D. POPESCU


The social and cultural effects of the accelerated globalisation in the contemporary world entail new horizons in anthropological research. The modern propensity for interdisciplinary analysis has generated new fields of research, such as social anthropology and the anthropology of space. Such border sciences also prove their applicability in the city space, which it re-examines, identifying new functions for it. The social-anthropologic apparatus determines a multilayered analytical approach of the urban transportation routes and habitudes, structures patterns and designs other forms of social drama manifestation. The postmodern city requires a different manner of territorialisation and also different space relations, in accordance with the centre/periphery tension, for instance, generating very diverse types of attitudes and social actions, which are extremely fertile for any social anthropology investigation.

Keywords: globalisation, transportaion, space, city, postmodern, anthropology

Miza luptelor identitare în Chişinău - Authors: Lucian-Ştefan DUMITRESCU Nicolae ŢÎBRIGAN


The post-Soviet history of Republic of Moldova is tantamount to the history of Chişinău. With almost 800, 600 inhabitants, that is 22 percent of the total population of Republic of Moldova, the city of Chişinău stands-out not only as the major urban contributor to Republic of Moldova’s economy (almost 60 percent of the GDP), but also as the site of the most intense symbolic clashes and protest marches, the latter being organized by both political parties and retired people, war veterans, public clerks, journalists, students etc. But the most prominent clashes, that have shaped the city of Chişinău in a particular way from an architectural perspective, are the identity ones. Starting with the “Twitter Revolution” (April 7-9, 2009) one could easily notice that the “identity battle” has reached a new level: from a collective and public level, coordinated by the state, to an individual level. This individual level, with collective reach and underground characteristic, is expressed by the graffiti messages. We argue that once the parades are over, fanfare silences, and public celebrations come to an end the graffiti message still keeps on the public agenda the following identity dilemma: “Who are we?”

Trying to answer this question, we have focused our research on the otherness pictured by the graffiti messages in Chişinău. We  have strived to find out how the identity borders drawn through public discourses over the last twenty years in Republic of Moldova have influenced the art of unknown public artists. In doing so, we have examined the three main identity narratives articulated in Republic of Moldova starting with 1991 with a focus on power mechanisms employed in order to engender identity strategies. Then, employing a processual approach to culture, we have captured the way that public identity discourses imprint on the graffiti messages.

Keywords: identification, borders, strategic identity, graffiti message, collective memory, nationalism

Elemente de ruralizare a urbanului în world music - Author: Elena ŞULEA


The background picture for world music is rather fickle, in which an ever changing dynamics is involved. This musical category’s fusion with other cultures brings about new forms of sound that are brought together by a frequently met common denominator: the citing of a traditional text (either musical or literary).  World music is governed by hybrid mixes on all its levels: spectacle, traditional, ethnical, chorological, clothing, sound, etc. Another notable characteristic is the migration of rural cultural manifestations towards the urban. The rural items within urban effect is a consequence of saturation, especially in large consuming societies. The natural urge within all individuals, that of escaping trite and express one’s identity, has lead to a journey into traditional music. Therefore, when discussing world music, one must take into account a key idea: dynamics.  It is a process of transformation, perhaps even a transition, made possible by appealing to the fascinating rural traditions with help from modern technology.

Keywords: ruralisation, world music, imaginary, authenticity, the image of the other

Timpul şi Memoria alimentaţiei urbane (o atitudine faţă de alimentaţie în România între anii 1840 şi 1940) - Author: Dr. Adrian MAJURU

This article is entitled „Time and memory urban food“ and it describes the attitude towards food with a modern system food recovery. Emergence of urban areas was an important  transformation in human history. Anthropology implies everything that serves human becoming and which is related to anthropogenesis. Urbanization was also considered urban revolution. Social relations was the force which crystallized urbanization. When we say interpersonal communication, we understand interpersonal contacts. In urban areas dominate the competition and people  live in tension. One consequence is the aggressiveness increasing of each individual. Hence amplifying psychosomatic pathology. The pacing change was very pronounced. Physic exercise was still lower. All these had a major anthropological relevance. Systemic changes occur and sometimes in urgent cases,  effects required, without delay, matches to new situations.

Anthropology wants to know what is the meaning of food and studies the human attitude towards food. This attitude was not always the same. Initially,  food  aimed each life insurance. In time, food didn’t mean only pleasure, fulfillment of a need, but it offered  also refined pleasure, pleasure elevated to art: culinary arts. Food generated a specific pathology, today it reached to pandemic of obesity, vascular disease. In  the nineteenth century, in Romania there was a change of attitude towards food, including full range of dining accessories.

At the begining, the change was made for the high society. Between 1850 and 1900 the European civilization fully conquered cities of Romania. On the other hand, on the urban periphery, the  traditional cuisine with its Balkan and Eastern influences is still very powefull and present. In this article, I have discussed also the Rainer’s culinary program. In his youth, he had an attraction for sweets and cakes. His daily menu was very different from the high society and meals often lacked a regular schedule. Exception made holidays, when the family was preparing a menu really special for his guests. Regarding food that people which were living in the slums were eating, I made an example of Ioan Buradel. People from the slums eaten meat not every day: Monday, Wednesday and Friday are fasting. Saturday and Sunday there was not poor man who could  not make a roast or grill. They had all in the slum. They paid food in one or two weeks and all merchants were offering their goods on credit.

Then, after 1947, remained puchasing food on ration cards and culinary abundance belonged only to those with healthy social origins, newcomers to power, who had to supply their stores. There followed 50 years of culinary mythology  for millions of  Romanian who had to live without food variations and especially between 1979 and 1989, when people suffered because of food shortages.

Keywords: urbanization, history of food, mentalities, behaviours, Bucharest

La Zone Matache – la croissance et le déclin d’une communauté - Author: Andreea ACASANDRE

This article analyses the evolution of a historical urban zone, situated in the city-center of Bucharest, the capital of Romania. The subject is the Matache urban area, the place where was situated the Matache Hall, a historical monument built at the end of the 19th century and demolished in March 2013.

The analysis starts with the European context, emphasizing the differences between the European urban tendencies during the 20th century and the Romanian urban context during the same period.

The article “The Matache area – The rise and fall of an urban community” presents the three stages of evolution experienced by this urban zone: the first stage, between the end of the Independence War and the installation of the Communist Regime in Romania is considered to be the rising stage, a time in which the area evolved and consolidated its role in the city. The second stage, during the communist period, was considered to be a time in which the area, being in the care of the state, experienced a period of constancy. The time that followed the Revolution of 1989 marked the “falling stage” of the zone, which led to insalubrity. This was one of the reasons which caused the decision of intervention, together with the demolition of the Matache Hall.

Key words: history, urban memory, evolution, monument, identity

Description: L’évolution de la Zone Urbaine Matache est le produit du développement économique, politique et social réussi tout au long de son existence.

Mots – clés: évolution, pôle économique, mémoire urbaine, marchands, mobilité

Apa, canalizarea şi modernizarea. Victor Babeş şi sănătatea urbană a Bucureştilor - Author: Dr. Octavian BUDA


As civilizations developed, it became evident that water, especially good quality water, was necessary for their advancement. For centuries, good water was defined as water that was clear, pleasant to the taste and not malodorous. By the end of the 19th century, with the development of bacteriology, culture media and the gelatin plate, it became possible to obtain what appeared to be quite accurate counts of germs by counting the number of colonies developing on these plates within a defined set of conditions. The Romanian bacteriologist Victor Babeş (1854-1926) is the promoter of scientific research in urban hygiene and public health in Romania. His Study of the aqueduct sand filters of Bucharest (1889) and On a new principle applied to water sterilization (1892) are the first Romanian scientific contributions in the field of water supply and public welfare. Together with his brother, the chemist Aurel Babeş, he studied since 1888 the drinking water of the city and showed the negative influence of water filters that were built shortly before the two have started researching.

Key words: Victor Babeş, publich health, drinking water suppy, urbanism

The Urban Anthropology Journal No.2 (2013)


Revista de Antropologie Urbană Nr.2
The Urban Anthropology Journal - No.2 (2013) - CONTENTS
  • The Urban Anthropology Journal – No.2 (2013) – CONTENTS
  • Editorial: O criză între ruptură şi instituţionalizare – Autor: Antoine Heemeryck (Romanian)
  • Editorial: Une crise entre rupture et institutionnalisation – Auteur: politique Antoine Heemeryck (French)
  • Editorial: A Crisis between Fracture and Institutionalization – Author: Antoine Heemeryck (English)
  • Leitartikel: Eine Krise zwischen Bruch und Institutionalisierung – Autor: Antoine Heemeryck (German)
  • The cooperating miners of Bolivia faced with recession – Author: Pascale Absi
  • The Bangladesh crisis, between memorial processes and global models – Author: Monique Selim
  • Another kind of crisis: the Romanian demography crisis, symptoms, evolution and consequences – Author: Todor Cătălina
  • Clairvoyance: imagining the utopian to recognise a future already present – Author: Jean-Michel Servet
  • An economy of submission. Work, income and marriage in Uzbekistan – Author: Laurent Bazin
  • Pauperism and public assistance in Piatra Neamţ 1864 – 1914 – Author: Daniel Pavai
  • The Indian experiences of Mircea Eliade and Romain Rolland – Author: Luria Rebeca Şerban
  • The 18th century English landscape garden as a cultural institution – Author: Dragoş-Alexandru Ivana
  • Between crisis and the impure: Projecting the urban on top of the urban – Author: Viorella Manolache
  • The tattoo in modern Romanian society – Authors: Adrian Majuru and Roxana Diaconu

Editorial: O criză între ruptură şi instituţionalizare - Autor: Antoine Heemeryck (Română)

« Ori să se revizuiască, primesc! Dar să nu se

 schimbe nimica; ori să nu se revizuiască, primesc!

Dar atunci să se schimbe pe ici pe colo, şi

anume în punctele… esenţiale…

Din această dilemă nu puteţi ieşi… Am zis! »

Ion L. Caragiale, O scrisoare pierdută.

« Orice-ar fi, trebuie s-o duc de-acum până la bun sfârşit! »

Hans C. Andersen : Hainele cele noi ale Împăratului.

Începând din anul 2007 lumea a intrat într-o criză care, din cauza amplorii sale, este calificată drept sistemică. În primă instanţă, aceasta a intervenit ca o ruptură, un eveniment în acelaşi timp excepţional şi extrinsec societăţii. Proiectul ce viza punerea în centrul societăţii a formei specifice de piaţă bazată pe concurenţa pură şi perfectă, nu cunoştea deloc sau prea puţină opoziţie, iar miturile sale, deşi atacabile şi uneori intens dezbătute, rămâneau imperturbabile. Ca şi dezvoltarea (Rist, 2001), societatea de piaţă este în acelaşi timp un model abstract şi o credinţă. Acest sistem se dorea a fi performant, antibirocratic, emancipator, just şi deci de o înaltă moralitate. Tocmai caracterul fictiv al atributelor sale (printre altele) a fost devoalat cu ocazia crizei. De fapt, sumele de bani delapidate se cifrează la mii de miliarde de euro; statele au sărit în ajutorul pieţelor financiare şi au încasat necondiţionat preţul acestei crizei – incluzând salvarea băncilor şi recesiunea care a urmat – cu toate că intervenţia Statului a fost considerată în ultimele trei decenii ca un obstacol în faţa creşterii şi a funcţionării « naturale » a economiei. În ceea ce priveşte calitatea organizaţională a întreprinderilor private, atât de lăudată pentru pragmatismul lor, dezvoltarea auditului, adoptarea calcului de interes cost/beneficiu şi diferitele instrumente de măsurare a eficienţei, generalizarea concurenţei la nivelul organizaţiei au generat o noua formă de hipertrofie birocratică în diverse domenii publice (sănătate, cercetare ştiinţifică, securitatea, servicii sociale, etc.) (Hibou, 2013). În sfârşit, îndatorarea s-a generalizat atât în domeniul public cât şi în cel privat. Am putea oferi numeroase exemple pentru a arăta distanţa care există între principiile care justifică un model de societate şi modelul propriu-zis. De la Georges Balandier încoace, crizele sunt pentru antropologi revelatoare ale dinamicilor sociale, politice şi economice care agită societăţile. În contextul în care, în antropologie, predomina o viziune statică a societăţilor « exotice », în timp ce ele erau în plin proces de decolonizare, fondatorul antropologiei politice sublinia că mecanismul profund de funcţionare a societăţilor apare mai clar în această conjunctură marcată de incertitudine. Însă, dacă am considera criza ca fiind un moment de dezordine pasageră într-o structură politică, economică şi socială relativ stabile, am fi forţaţi să considerăm că acest termen nu corespunde situaţiei actuale. Poate că atunci ar trebui să admitem că ceea ce face mai vizibilă forma capitalismului, care s-a impus începând cu sfârşitul anilor 1970 şi care s-a generalizat după căderea comunismului, este tocmai criza. Deoarece chiar şi o privire rapidă asupra istoriei tinde să ne arate că debutul crizei în 2007 este în realitate ultima dintr-un şir de crize financiare care şi-au pus amprenta asupra ultimilor treizeci de ani în lume (în SUA, Mexic, Argentina, Rusia, în Asia de Sud-Est…). Există deci o continuitate logică în apariţia crizei şi nu o ruptură. Totul se petrece ca şi cum adiţionarea crizelor, care fuseseră precedate de o fază de acumulare de bogăţie nemaivăzută, a dus la criza globală. Pe bună dreptate ne putem întreba dacă modelul economic şi politic adoptat timp de treizeci de ani, prosperitatea fără precedent pe care a adus-o anumitor categorii sociale, nu au antrenat o dislocare a societăţii, a economiilor şi în fine criza globală în care trăim azi. Acest proces aminteşte de idea de « marea răstunare » dezvoltată într-un alt context de către Karl Polanyi (Polanyi, 1983). Dacă există o ruptură, aceasta este numai şi numai în legătură cu principiile de legitimare ale acestui sistem, care au fost invalidate. Privind aceste fapte, poate ar fi mai oportun să vorbim despre un regim politic de criză decât despre o criză propriu-zisă. Pentru că, chiar dacă nu intrăm în detaliu, ne dăm seama că aceste diferite crize financiare nu au antrenat o schimbare de orientare politică cum ar fi fost de aşteptat. Mai rău, nu au făcut decât accelereze adoptarea în marş forţat a politicilor care îşi arătaseră deja nocivitatea. Deducem de aici că eşecurile politicilor neoliberale sunt explicite. Însă, aceasta nu pare să ridice îndoieli asupra direcţiei politice urmărite. Într-o perfectă iraţionalitate, reţetele care au generat criza sunt aplicate ca măsuri de ieşire din criză. Această formă de rezilienţă care dezvăluie hegemonia politico-simbolică a neoliberalismului, a concurenţei ca formă legitimă de ordine socială, a pieţei ca formă naturală de organizare a societăţilor suscită reflecţii. Construirea acestui consens necesită o analiză, măcar la nivel schematic, a doxei care a însoţit criza în spaţiul public. În ţările din Vest, la începutul procesului, accentul a fost pus pe comportamentele deviante care ar fi contaminat sfera financiară. De regulă, orice comportament deviant face referire la o normă care însumează marea majoritate a practicilor. Iată de ce indivizii vinovaţi de rele practici erau prezentaţi ca minoritari. Putem cita figurile: Bernard Madoff în SUA, Bruno Iksil sau Jêrome Kerviel în Franţa. Această construcţie ideologică permitea albirea modului de acumulare a bogăţiilor lăsând să cadă responsabilitatea colectivă asupra unor indivizi presupus izolaţi, cu practici imorale, şi absolvea de orice păcat configuraţia capitalismului în ansamblul său. Cu rapiditate, această justificare a lăsat locul unui discurs mai clasic. „Adevăraţii” vinovaţi pentru această situaţie ar fi în realitate populaţia gurmandă şi confuză, care trebuia disciplinată, pedepsită, şi supusă unei cure de austeritate. Deşi înclinaţiile autoritare ale neoliberalismului sunt prezente încă de la originile sale (Dardot, Laval, 2009), acest tip de discurs post-democratic a deschis cutia Pandorei unui regim « liberticid ». Mai precis, criza a fost o oportunitate şi un motiv care a permis exprimarea pulsiunilor opresive în public. Această acuzaţie a permis, pe de o parte, transpoziţia responsabilităţii efective a crizei pe umerii unui actor terţiar; iar, pe de altă parte, a delegitimat populaţia în rolul său de actor politic suveran. În România, explicaţiile cele mai uzitate s-au inspirat din teoriile lui Keynes însă acestea au fost reduse la o surprinzătoare caricatură. Acestea susţineau că mulţimea, anticipând criza, şi-ar fi redus consumul şi ar fi creat criza ex nihilo, doar din cauza acestei credinţe obscure. Acest silogism exclude factorii reali şi structurali ai acestei situaţii şi ignoră concluzia lui Keynes care considera că Statul este singurul actor capabil să impună eficient măsuri contra-ciclice printr-un intervenţionism activ şi cheltuieli masive. În ceea ce priveşte România, putem înţelege originea acestui gen de discurs în alocentrismul foarte prezent, istoric vorbind, al elitelor intelectuale autohtone, care fac din Vest un centru de civilizaţie. Aşadar reţetele politice şi economice venite din Occident (SUA-UE) nu puteau fi fundamental greşite, în special pentru actorii publici care îşi fundamentează autoritatea pe o pretinsă cunoaştere a bunei guvernări şi a bunelor practici occidentale. La nivelul societăţii, această problematică poate fi abordată într-o perspectivă diferită. De fapt, România a cunoscut crize repetitive şi impunerea modelului de societate de piaţă a fost trăită şi interpretată ca o pierdere pentru mulţi cetăţeni. În acest sens, postcomunismul este un cadru simbolic şi imaginar sinonim al crizei (Heemeryck, 2010). Criza din 2007, ale cărei efecte profunde au fost resimţite abia în anii ce au urmat, adică în momentul în care s-a transformat în recesiune, n-a fost percepută de la început ca un eveniment nemaivăzut care implica pe deplin cetăţenii ci mai degrabă ca un moment de instabilitate suplimentară în istoria postcomunistă. Această subiectivitate construită pe istoria crizelor care se regăseşte şi în alte arii culturale, precum America de Sud, posedă o calitate dublă şi contradictorie: de o parte ea împiedică sesizarea imediată a caracterului inedit al unei crize sistemice şi pe de pe altă parte actorii dezvoltă strategii alternative de a face faţă acestei conjuncturi, mai greu de imaginat în cadrul vechilor puteri industriale. Trebuie subliniat că ineditul acestei crize de mare amploare pentru cea mai mare parte a ţărilor occidentale este pentru numeroase societăţi ale acestei lumi un eveniment banal întrucât acestea din urmă sunt zguduite de fluctuaţiile din sfera economică de mai multe decenii (Phélinas, Sélim, 2010). Poate că doar din acest punct de vedere separaţiile geografice Nord/Sud, Occident/non-Occident pot fi pertinente. Dar chiar şi în acest caz, trebuie să ţinem cont de diferitele pături sociale care populează societăţile din Vest. Unele se prea poate să se fi găsit într-o situaţie de precaritate permanentă cu mult înainte de criza din 2007. Pascale Absi, pornind de la exemplul minerilor din Potosi întreba: « Dar ce sens poate avea criza din alte puncte de vedere, acele persoane care nu au avut niciodată un loc de muncă stabil, sau nu au beneficiat de politici publice pentru ocuparea forţei de muncă şi a căror relaţie cu sistemul bancar este inexistentă sau limitată la proiecte de micro-credit?»

 Criza este întotdeauna suspusă interpretării actorilor şi a reprezentărilor lor într-un câmp social cu miza lui specifică. În revanşă, dacă adoptăm un punct de vedere istoric asupra genealogiei crizelor de origine economică şi adoptarea doctrinelor care le-au precedat, trebuie să spunem că politicile de austeritate sunt de fapt o adaptare a politicilor de ajustare structurală, program ce fusese impus în lumea a treia încă de la sfârşitul anilor 1970. După ce făcuseră deja înconjurul lumii, aceste reţete neoliberale au ajuns şi în Europa şi au generat aceleaşi rezultate dezastruoase. Este deci important să evităm cu desăvârşire etnocentrismul şi să adoptăm o perspectivă comparativă. Iată de ce în acest număr, cititorul va găsi articole despre societăţi, a priori aflate la aceeaşi distanţă una de cealaltă, ca Bangladesh, Bolivia sau România. Dincolo de luptele ideologice, căutarea cauzelor generatoare ale crizei este întotdeauna o misiune delicată, în particular când este vorba despre una dintre cele mai grave din istoria capitalismului. Şi asta nu pentru că ar fi vorba de un fenomen de o radicală noutate ci mai degrabă pentru că ea poate fi analizată sub variate unghiuri, unele chiar complementare. Am putea pune accentul pe modificarea raporturilor dintre economia financiară şi economia reală (capital/muncă) precum fac economiştii heterodocşi. Un astfel de raport de forţă, care arată o financiarizare generală a lumii, are consecinţe importante asupra societăţilor în ansamblul lor: şomaj în masă, distrugerea formelor de protecţie socială deşi acolo unde existau au jucat un rol amortizor în prima fază a crizei, precarizarea generală a muncii, reducerea economiei productive, privatizarea totală a Statului, distrugerea completă a societăţilor ca în cazul Greciei, de exemplu şi punerea sub tutela internaţională, generalizarea creditului şi a datoriei ca instrument de alienare. Adâncirea abisală a inegalităţilor sociale trebuie subliniată, mai ales pentru că aceasta influenţează cererea globală şi consumul. Tindem să uităm că, criza din 2007 are la originile sale un fenomen de prăbuşire a veniturilor clasei populare în SUA, unde inegalităţile au atins un nivel istoric. Criza numită « subprime » are ca punct de pornire o extindere a creditelor ipotecare cu un risc ridicat acordate unei populaţii insolvabile, declasate, aflate în incapacitatea de a consuma. Constatare care poate fi generalizată. După cum subliniază Jean-Michel Servet : « Ultimul sfert de secol, supus unei ideologii liberale din ce în ce mai hegemonică a fost marcat pe de o parte, de o exacerbare a dorinţelor consumatoriste prin efect demonstrativ, de pe altă parte de o creştere considerabilă a inegalităţilor în repartiţia veniturilor. » (Servet, 2010 : 21). Inegalităţile profunde şi consumul la scară largă, care implică, de asemenea, monetizarea şi marşandizarea tuturor aspectelor vieţii sociale, sunt elementele motor ale globalizării. În corolar, se observă o îmbogăţire fără precedent a categoriilor sociale superioare. Şi această constatare nu se opreşte la graniţa fostelor puteri occidentale. Aşadar au apărut personaje cu averi colosale în întregul fost bloc sovietic, în ţările post-comuniste, India, Mexic (etc.). Acestora li se datorează expansiunea la nivel mondial a investiţiilor filantropice care înconjoară actorii în noi forme de solidaritate privatizate şi în cele din urmă extind logica care stă la baza creaţiei lor: construirea unei societăţi oligarhice radicale postmoderne. Din 2008, societăţile sunt afectate în întregime de această dinamică. În acest scenariu de degradare accelerată a contractului social, multe ţări europene sunt grav afectate. Unele, cum ar fi Grecia şi Spania sunt la un pas de o dezintegrare completă a societăţii şi a cadrului Stat-Naţiune. Acest lucru se petrece tocmai din cauza faptului că aceste ţări au avut un stat social (al bunăstării), utilităţi, servicii publice şi forme instituţionalizate de solidaritate. Distrugerea statului social şi cetăţeniei care îl însoţeşte, este cu atât mai impresionant. Dar societăţile nu au rămas fără reacţie. Noile mişcări sociale, care au transformat reţelele de socializare de pe internet în armele lor, s-au răspândit în întreaga lume: în Tunisia, în Brazilia, în Egipt, în Turcia, în Bangladesh… Cele mai cunoscute sunt, probabil, cele născute în Statele Unite sau Spania – mişcarea Occupy Wall Street şi mişcarea socială denumită « 14 mai. » Aceste evenimente (care corespund unei situaţii locale specifice) ale corpului social au avut mai multe virtuţi. În primul rând, au permis categoriilor sociale depolitizate sau considerate ca atare să revină în inima politicului. Apoi, ele au permis « re-colonizarea » spaţiului public în contextul în care spaţiul urban este din ce în ce mai îngrădit de sofisticate dispozitive de control. Şi în cele din urmă au devoalat o configuraţie politică care fusese ascunsă până atunci. Acest lucru este simbolizat prin sloganul « Noi suntem 99% », scandat în Zuccotti Park. Dacă limitele acestor mişcări sociale pot părea evidente, mai ales în ceea ce priveşte OWS, din cauza refuzului lor de a propune un program instituţiilor « reprezentative » sub pretextul menţinerii autonomiei şi a unei forme de democraţie directă, o privire generală asupra evoluţiei acestor manifestări ne permite să observăm o realitate sociopolitică la nivel global şi recent pe care criza din 2007 nu a făcut-o decât mai lizibilă: Statelor, partidelor politice le este tot mai dificil să ascundă unipolaritatea lor ideologică iar instituţiile reprezentative ale societăţii civile, inclusiv o mare parte dintre sindicate şi ONG-uri, au tendinţa de a juca rolul de companion discret al capitalismului care se limitează la o acţiune de contrabalansare, în esenţă morală. Acest lucru, în Romania, este ilustrat de separarea spaţială între ONG-uri şi cetăţeni în timpul demonstraţiilor din Piaţa Universităţii, în timpul iernii 2012-2013. O manifestaţie care regrupa o populaţie extrem de eterogenă în termen de vârstă şi de apartenenţă socială. În aceeaşi perioadă, unul dintre liderii unui ONG proeminent din România (Centrul de Resurse pentru Participare Publică), intervievat de un jurnalist într-o emisiune TV (B1TV) despre reprezentativitatea acestor organizaţii a răspuns că « ceea ce contează este să fii relevant. Reprezentativitatea nu contează. » Bâlbâielile acestea militante sunt simptomatice pentru o absenţă de legăturii dintre organizaţiile aşa-zis reprezentative şi populaţia reprezentată. Impresia generală sugerată, că ne aflăm într-o scenă post-politică, nu este inexactă doar dacă o considerăm ca fiind rezultatul unui efect de configurare sau, pentru a folosi o expresie clasică în ştiinţele sociale, o reflectare a stării raporturilor de forţe. Impunerea societăţii de piaţă, şi mod specific în optica neoliberală, presupune reducerea exerciţiului democratic a minima, şi anume la procesul electoral. Dar chiar şi acest exerciţiu poate fi pervertit şi redus la statutul de consultare fără nici un efect asupra instituţiilor reprezentative aşa cum a arătat referendumul pentru Tratatul Constituţional European în 2005. Mobilizările colective cele mai expuse au tendinţa de a ascunde o multitudine de noi comportamente care ar trebui analizate dacă vrem să găsim scenarii de ieşire din configuraţia actuală a capitalismului. Reflecţia asupra utopiei realizate de J.-M. Servet în acest număr se înscrie în acest câmp de cercetare. Autorul încearcă să imagineze un scenariu de ieşire din capitalism prin reintroducerea unei analize a principiilor de concurenţă, de piaţă, de schimb, de solidaritate şi de democraţie. În acest context, de atrofie a pluralismului politic, una dintre rarele căi de ieşire pentru state este de a adopta o poziţie de apărare culturală sau etnică a populaţiei. Astfel, vălul femeilor musulmane sau romii din Franţa devin ancorele unei retorici esenţialiste a cărei menire este de a reconstrui: relaţia dintre stat şi populaţie pe criterii etnice şi în cele din urmă reprezentativitatea Statului. Desigur, nu este nici o invenţie ex nihilo, ci mai degrabă o exploatare a unei configuraţii a relaţiilor sociale existente. La nivel european, putem să ne amintim de redundanţa cu care a fost folosit acronimul PIGS (porci) ce desemna societăţile europene (Portugalia, Irlanda, Grecia, Spania) cele mai afectate de criză, care indică în mod clar o formă de rasism. Când jocul politic propriu-zis este într-o stare de paralizie, se observă un fenomen de speculaţie, de repliere şi de fragmentare a identităţii. Aceasta operează pe o dinamică mai lungă marcată de abandonare a principiului suveranităţii şi de dezintegrare teritorială a Statului-naţiune (Badie, 1995, 1999). Scenariile de ieşire din criză nu sunt încă născute sau nu pot pretinde încă statutul de alternative reale. În această conjunctură, ştiinţele sociale pot avea un cuvânt de spus. Profunzimea istorică a analizei, diversitatea de situaţii pe care le abordează, proximitatea de teren ar putea să le confere o notă de nobleţe.

Antoine Heemeryck


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Editorial: Une crise entre rupture et institutionnalisation - Auteur: politique Antoine Heemeryck (Francais)

«  De deux choses l’une […]: ou bien on révise, j’accepte mais on ne change rien;

ou bien on ne révise pas, j’accepte, mais alors on change par-ci, par-là, dans les

points essentiels. Il n’y a pas à sortir de ce dilemme, j’ai dit! »

Ion L. Caragiale: Une lettre perdue

« Maintenant, je dois tenir bon jusqu’à la fin de la procession »

Hans C. Andersen: Les habits neufs de l’empereur

Depuis 2007 le monde est entré dans une crise qui, du fait de son ampleur, est qualifiée de systémique. De prime abord, celle-ci est intervenue comme une rupture, un événement à la fois exceptionnel et extérieur aux sociétés. Par conséquent, ses liens avec la globalisation et l’idéologie néolibérale n’apparaissaient pas d’emblée évidents. Le projet visant à mettre au centre de la société la forme spécifique du marché basé sur une concurrence pure et parfaite ne connaissait pas ou peu d’opposition et ses mythologies, pourtant attaquables et parfois âprement débattues, ne souffraient que trop peu la critique. L’analyse appelle donc quelques précisions. A l’instar du développement (Rist, 2013), la société de marché est à la fois un modèle abstrait de société et une croyance, un programme et un dogme. Ce système se voulait performant, antibureaucratique, émancipateur, juste et donc d’une haute moralité. C’est le caractère fictif de ces cinq attributs (parmi d’autres) qui a été dévoilé à l’occasion de ladite crise. En effet, les sommes d’argent liquidées se chiffrent en milliers de milliards d’euros; les États sont venus à la rescousse des marchés financiers et ont encaissé inconditionnellement le prix de cette crise – comprenant à la fois le sauvetage des banques et la récession qui s’en est suivie – alors que leur intervention était conspuée depuis trois décennies et considérée comme un obstacle à la croissance et au fonctionnement « naturel » de l’économie. Quant à la qualité organisationnelle des entreprises privées tant vantée pour leur pragmatisme, le développement de l’audit, l’adoption du calcul d’intérêt coût/bénéfice et ses différents instruments de mesure, la mise en concurrence généralisée ont engendré une nouvelle forme d’atrophie bureaucratique dans des domaines publics très variés (santé, recherche scientifique, sécurité, services sociaux, etc.) (Hibou, 2013). Enfin, l’endettement s’est généralisé au niveau privé comme public. On pourrait multiplier les exemples et montrer la distance existant entre les principes justifiant un modèle de société et ce modèle proprement dit. Depuis Georges Balandier, les crises sont, pour les anthropologues, des révélateurs des dynamiques sociales, politiques et économiques qui agitent les sociétés. Dans un contexte où, en anthropologie, une vision anhistorique des sociétés prédominait, alors qu’elles-mêmes étaient plongées en plein processus de décolonisation, le fondateur de l’anthropologie politique soulignait que le fonctionnement profond des sociétés apparaît plus visiblement lors de ces conjonctures marquées par l’incertitude. Toutefois, si l’on considère la crise comme un moment de désordre passager dans une structure politique, économique et sociale relativement stable, force est alors de constater que ce terme ne correspond pas à la situation actuelle. Peut-être faut-il alors considérer que la crise globale nous montre plus clairement le fonctionnement de la forme du capitalisme qui a émergé depuis la fin des années 1970 et qui s’est généralisé après la chute du communisme. Car un regard même furtif sur l’histoire récente tend à montrer que la crise débutée en 2007 n’est en réalité que la dernière d’une série de crises financières qui ont émaillé ces trente dernières années dans le monde entier (aux USA, au Mexique, en Argentine, en Russie, en Asie du Sud-Est…). Il existe donc une continuité logique dans l’avènement de cette crise plutôt qu’une rupture. Tout se passe comme si l’accumulation des crises, qui furent toutes précédées d’une phase d’enrichissement inédit, avait mené à une crise globale. On peut effectivement se demander si le modèle économique et politique adopté au cours de ces trente dernières années, la prospérité sans précédent qu’il a apportée à certaines catégories sociales n’a pas entraîné une dislocation des sociétés, des économies et in fine la crise globale dans laquelle nous vivons aujourd’hui. Ceci ne va pas sans rappeler l’idée développée dans un autre contexte par Karl Polanyi d’un « grand renversement » (Polanyi, 1983). Si rupture il y a, c’est seulement dans le sens où les principes de légitimation de ce système ont été totalement battus en brèche. En regard des faits, peut-être serait-il opportun de parler d’un régime politique de crises plutôt que d’une crise à proprement parler et de se demander si ce régime politique peut être distingué de celui de la globalisation. Car, même sans entrer dans les détails, on se rend compte que ces différentes crises financières n’ont pas entraîné de changements d’orientation politique significatifs comme on aurait pu s’y attendre. Pis encore, elles n’ont fait que renforcer l’adoption à marche forcée de politiques ayant montré leur nocivité. Pourtant, ceci ne semble pas remettre en cause la direction politique suivie. Dans une parfaite irrationalité les recettes qui ont mené à la crise sont appliquées pour sortir de la crise: repositionnement de l’État comme agent/garant du marché, privatisation généralisée, financiarisation des économies, creusement de l’endettement… Cette forme de résilience qui montre l’hégémonie politique du néolibéralisme, de la concurrence comme forme légitime d’ordre social, du marché comme forme naturelle d’organisation des sociétés pose question. La production de ce consensus nécessite d’interroger, ne serait-ce que schématiquement, la doxa qui a accompagné la crise dans l’espace public. Dans les pays de l’Ouest, au début du processus, l’accent était mis sur des comportements déviants qui auraient contaminé la sphère financière. Tout comportement déviant fait référence à une norme qui représente la grande majorité des pratiques. C’est pourquoi les individus coupables de mauvaises pratiques étaient présentés comme minoritaires. On peut citer les figures de Bernard Madoff aux USA, de Bruno Iksil ou celle de Jérôme Kerviel en France. Cette construction idéologique permettait de blanchir ce mode d’accumulation des richesses en fixant la responsabilité sur des individus supposément isolés, aux pratiques immorales et ainsi d’absoudre cette configuration du capitalisme dans son ensemble. Rapidement, cette justification a laissé place à un discours plus classique. Les vrais coupables de cette catastrophe seraient en réalité des populations gourmandes et volages, qu’il fallait mettre au pas, discipliner, punir et soumettre à une politique de rigueur. Même si les penchants très autoritaires du néolibéralisme sont présents dès son origine (Dardot, Laval, 2010), ce type de discours post-démocratique ouvrait la boîte de Pandore d’un régime politique autoritaire. Plus précisément, c’est au motif de la crise que les pulsions oppressives, contenues jusque-là, ont pu être publiquement assumées. Cette accusation permettait d’une part de transposer la responsabilité effective de la crise sur un tiers-acteur; de l’autre de délégitimer les populations comme acteur politique souverain. En Roumanie, les explications les plus communes s’inspiraient d’un Keynésianisme réduit à une étonnante caricature. Celles-ci soutenaient que les foules dans leur anticipation se seraient arrêtées de consommer et auraient créé la crise ex-nihilo à cause d’une obscure croyance. Ce syllogisme exclue les facteurs réels et structurels de cette situation et ignore la conclusion de J. M. Keynes qui faisait de l’Etat le seul acteur en mesure d’imposer efficacement des mesures contra-cycliques par un interventionnisme actif comprenant des dépenses massives. En ce qui concerne la Roumanie, on peut comprendre l’origine de ce type de discours dans l’allocentrisme très présent historiquement chez les élites intellectuelles locales qui fait de l’Ouest un centre de civilisation. Ainsi les recettes économiques et politiques venant de l’Occident (USA-UE) ne pouvaient être fondamentalement mauvaises, surtout pour des acteurs publics qui fondent leur autorité sur une connaissance prétendue de la bonne gouvernance et des bonnes pratiques occidentale. Au niveau de la société, on peut aborder différemment la problématique. En effet, la Roumanie a connu des crises à répétition et l’imposition du modèle de société de marché a été vécue et interprétée comme une perte pour de nombreux acteurs. Dans ce sens, le postcommunisme est un cadre symbolique et imaginaire synonyme de crises (Heemeryck, 2010). La crise de 2007, dont les effets profonds ont été ressentis dans les années suivantes, c’est-à-dire quand la crise financière est devenue une récession, n’a pas été perçue d’emblée comme un événement inédit impliquant pleinement les citoyens mais plutôt comme un moment d’instabilité supplémentaire dans l’histoire de l’après communisme. Cette subjectivité construite autour des crises que se retrouve dans d’autres zones culturelles comme l’Amérique du Sud. Soulignons que le caractère exceptionnel de cette crise de grande ampleur pour les pays occidentaux est pour de nombreuses sociétés de ce monde un événement banal tant ces dernières sont touchées par les aléas de la sphère économique depuis plusieurs décades (Phélinas, Sélim, 2010). C’est peut-être de ce point de vue que les distinctions géographiques Nord-Sud, Occident/non-Occident peuvent être pertinente. Mais même dans ce cas, il faut considérer les différentes couches sociales qui peuplent les sociétés de l’Ouest. Certaines en effet peuvent se sont trouvées en état de précarité permanent bien avant la crise de 2007.

 Par exemple, on peut se demander comme le fait Pascale Absi à partir de l’exemple des mineurs de Potosi: « […] quel sens peut posséder la crise depuis d’autres points de vue, ceux d’individus qui n’ont jamais connu de travail stable, ni bénéficié de politiques publiques en faveur de l’emploi et dont la relation avec le système bancaire est inexistante ou se limite aux traites d’un micro crédit ? »  Ceci suggère que la crise est toujours soumise à interprétation en fonction du champ social dans lequel elle s’inscrit avec ses représentations et ses enjeux particuliers. En revanche, si l’on adopte un point de vue historique sur la généalogie des crises d’origine économique et l’adoption des doctrines qui les ont précédées, il faut considérer que les politiques d’austérité sont en fait l’adaptation des politiques d’ajustements structurelles, programmes qui furent imposés dans le tiers-monde à partir de la fin des années 1970. Après avoir fait le tour du monde, ces recettes néolibérales ont pris pied en Europe et engendrent les mêmes résultats calamiteux. Il est donc important d’éviter tout ethnocentrisme et d’adopter une perspective comparative. C’est pourquoi dans ce numéro, le lecteur trouvera des articles sur des sociétés a priori aussi distantes l’une de l’autre que le Bangladesh, la Bolivie ou la Roumanie. Au-delà des luttes idéologiques, la recherche des causes d’une crise est toujours une entreprise délicate, d’autant plus quand elle s’avère l’une des plus grave de l’histoire du capitalisme. Et ce non pas parce qu’il serait question d’un phénomène radicalement nouveau, mais bien plutôt parce qu’elle peut être analysée sous des angles variés et complémentaires. On pourrait mettre l’accent la modification du rapport entre économie financière et économie « réelle » (capital/travail) comme le font les économistes hétérodoxes. Un tel rapport de force, qui donne à voir une financiarisation généralisée, a des conséquences importantes sur l’ensemble des sociétés : chômage de masse, destruction des formes de protection sociales alors que là où elles existaient, elles ont servi d’amortisseur pendant la première phase de la crise, précarisation généralisée, réduction du tissu productif, privatisation totale du rôle de l’État, destruction de sociétés dans leur ensemble en ce qui concerne par exemple la Grèce, généralisation de la dette comme instrument d’aliénation. Le creusement abyssal des inégalités sociales doit également être souligné, tant celui-ci influence la demande globale et la consommation. On tend effectivement à oublier que la crise de 2007 part d’un phénomène d’affaissement des revenus des classes populaires aux USA où les inégalités atteignent désormais des sommets historiques. La crise dite des subprime a pour origine une extension des crédits hypothécaires à risque à des populations insolvables, socialement déclassées, placé en incapacité de consommer. Comme le souligne Jean-Michel Servet: « Le quart de siècle soumis à une idéologie libérale de plus en plus hégémonique a été marqué d’une part, par une exacerbation des désirs consuméristes par effet de démonstration et, d’autre part, par une croissance considérable des inégalités dans la répartition des revenus » (Servet, 2010 : 21). Inégalités profondes et généralisation de la consommation, qui impliquent aussi une monétisation et une marchandisation de tous les aspects de la vie sociale, sont également des éléments moteurs de la globalisation du capitalisme. Corollairement, s’observe un enrichissement sans précédent des catégories sociales supérieures. Ce constat ne s’arrête pas aux frontières des anciennes puissances occidentales. Ainsi des personnages dotés de fortunes colossales ont émergé dans tout l’ancien bloc soviétique, dans les pays postcommunistes, en Inde, au Mexique (etc.). Elles sont à l’origine d’une expansion globale d’investissements philanthropiques qui enserrent les acteurs dans de nouvelles formes de solidarité privatisée et prolonge in fine la logique qui à la base de leur création: la construction d’une société oligarchique radicalement postmoderne . Depuis 2008, les sociétés sont touchées de leur ensemble par cette dynamique. Dans ce scénario de dégradation accélérée du contrat social, nombreux sont les pays européens sévèrement touchés. Certains comme la Grèce ou l’Espagne se trouvent au bord d’une déliquescence complète du corps social et du cadre de l’Etat-nation. Cette situation est due au fait que ces pays étaient dotés d’un État social, de services publics et de formes de solidarité institutionnalisée. La destruction de l’État social et de la citoyenneté qui l’accompagne en est d’autant plus impressionnante. Mais les sociétés ne sont pas restées sans réaction. De nouveaux mouvements sociaux, qui ont fait d’internet et des réseaux sociaux leurs armes, ont essaimé un peu partout dans le monde en Tunisie, en Egypte, en Turquie, au Bangladesh… Les plus célèbres sont sans doute ceux nées aux USA ou en Espagne – Occupy Wall Street et le Mouvement dit « du 14 mai ». Ces manifestations du corps social, qui correspondent à une situation locale spécifique, ont eu plusieurs vertus. Tout d’abord, elles ont permis à des catégories sociales dépolitisées ou considérées comme telles de revenir au cœur du politique. Ensuite, elles ont permis de reprendre pieds sur la place publique dans un contexte où l’espace urbain est de plus en plus enserré par des dispositifs de contrôle accru. Enfin s’est dessinée une configuration politique qui était jusqu’alors tue. C’est que symbolise le slogan « Nous sommes les 99% » apparue au parc Zuccotti. Si les limites de ces mouvements sociaux peuvent paraître évidentes, notamment en ce qui concerne OWS, en particulier du fait de leur refus de faire entendre leur cause au niveau des institutions sous prétexte de conserver une autonomie et une forme de démocratie directe, un regard plus général sur l’évolution de ces manifestations permet de prendre la mesure des transformations sociopolitiques globales et récentes que la crise de 2007 n’a fait que rendre plus évidente. Les États, les partis politiques ont de plus en plus de difficultés à masquer leur unipolarité idéologique et les institutions représentatives de la société civile, incluant pour une large part syndicats et ONG, tendent à ne plus jouer qu’un rôle d’accompagnement du capitalisme par une action de pondération essentiellement morale. C’est ce qu’illustrent la séparation spatiale entre ONG et citoyens lors des manifestations de la place de l’Université au cours de l’hiver 2011-2012. A cette même période, l’une des dirigeantes d’une éminente ONG (le Centre de ressources pour la participation publique) interrogée par un journaliste lors d’un show télévisé (B1TV) sur la représentativité de ces organisations répondait que « ce que qui compte c’est d’être relevant. Pas la représentativité. » L’impression que suggère cette situation d’une scène post-politique n’est pas inexacte à condition de la considérer comme un effet de configuration ou, pour utiliser une expression plus classique en sciences sociales, comme le reflet d’un état des rapports forces. L’imposition de la société de marché, et ce très spécifiquement dans l’optique néolibérale, présuppose de réduire l’exercice démocratique a minima, à savoir aux processus électoraux. Mais même cet exercice peut être perverti et réduit au statut de consultation sans effet réel sur les institutions représentatives comme l’illustre le traité constitutionnel européen en 2005. Il reste que les mobilisations collectives les plus célèbres tendent à masquer une multitude de comportements nouveaux qu’il faudrait analyser si l’on veut penser les scénarios de sortie de la configuration actuelle du capitalisme. C’est à la question de l’utopie que s’attaque J.-M. Servet dans ce numéro. L’auteur tente de penser un scénario de sortie du capitalisme en réintroduisant une analyse des principes de marché, de concurrence, de partage, de solidarité et de démocratie. Dans ce contexte d’atrophie du pluralisme politique, une des rares issues pour les États consiste à adopter une position de défense culturelle ou ethnique de la population. C’est ainsi que le voile des femmes musulmanes ou encore les Roms en France deviennent des points d’ancrage d’une rhétorique essentialiste visant à reconstruire le lien entre État et population sur des bases ethniques et in fine la représentativité de l’État. Certes, il ne s’agit pas d’invention ex-nihilo, mais plutôt d’une exploitation d’une configuration de rapports sociaux préexistants. Au niveau de l’Europe, on rappellera la récurrence de l’acronyme PIGS (porcs) désignant les sociétés européennes (Portugal, Ireland, Greece, Spain) les plus touchées par la crise dénote clairement une forme de racisme (cf. le blogue de F. Lordon sur ce point). Dès lors que le jeu politique proprement dit est en état de paralysie, on observe un phénomène de spéculation, de repli et de fragmentation identitaire. Celle-ci opère sur une dynamique plus longue d’abandon du principe de souveraineté et de dislocation des territoires de l’Etat-nation (Badie, 1995, 1999). Les scénarios de sortie de crise ne sont pas encore nés ou ne peuvent encore prétendre au statut de véritables alternatives. Dans cette conjoncture, les sciences sociales peuvent avoir leur mot à dire. Leur capacité de recul historique, la pluralité des situations qu’ils abordent dans le cas de l’anthropologie, leur proximité du terrain pourraient leur redonner leur lettre de noblesse.

Antoine Heemeryck


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  2. BADIE B., 1995, La fin des territoires, Paris, Fayard.
  3. CAULIER M. & HEEMERYCK A., 2011, « Les formes de légitimations politiques et sociales du capitalisme. Une perspective comparative sur la philanthropie: Mexique/Roumanie » Anale al Universitaţii Spiru Haret. Seria studii psihologici şi sociologici, n°6, ed. Fondation Romania de Maîne, vol. 2: 27-40.
  4. DARDOT  P. & LAVAL C., 2009, La nouvelle raison du monde. Essai sur la société néolibérale, Paris, la Découverte.
  5. GALBRAITH J. K., 2007, « Brève histoire de l’euphorie financière » in Economie hétérodoxe, Paris, Seuil [1990].
  6. HEEMERYCK A., 2010, L’importation démocratique en Roumanie: une perspective anthropologique sur la construction d’une société post-dictatoriale, L’Harmattan, Paris.
  7. HIBOU B., 2012, La bureaucratisation du monde à l’ère néolibérale. Paris, La Découverte
  8. PHELINAS P. & SELIM M. (dir.), 2010, La crise vue d’ailleurs, L’Harmattan.
  9. POLANYI K., 1983, La grande transformation. Aux origines politiques et économiques de notre temps, Paris, Gallimard, (1944).
  10. RIST G., 2013, Le développement. Histoire d’une croyance occidentale, Paris, Presses de Sciences (4e ed.)
  11. SERVET J.-M., 2010, « L’économie contractée par le néolibéralisme » in PHELINAS P. & SELIM M. (dir.), 2010, La crise vue d’ailleurs, L’Harmattan.
  12. SERVET J.-M., 2010, Le grand renversement. De la crise au renouveau solidaire, Paris, Desclée de Brouwer.


Editorial: A Crisis between Fracture and Institutionalization - Author: Antoine Heemeryck (English)

“If it’s revision you want, I’m all for it! But then don’t let us

change one single thing! On the other hand, if it is not revision

that you want, I’m all for it, too, but then, some changes must be

made here and there, namely in the essential… parts… This is a dilemma

that you cannot possibly escape! And that’s all I had to say!”

Ion L. Caragiale, A Lost Letter

“The procession has got to go on!”

Hans C. Andersen, The Emperor’s New Clothes

Starting 2007, the world has been facing a crisis labelled as systemic due to its magnitude. Initially, it emerged as a fracture, as an exceptional event that excluded society as a whole. The project aiming to turn a specific market form based on pure and perfect competition into society’s focus of attention faced little or no opposition while its myths, though excoriated and sometimes fiercely debated, remained unshakable. Like development itself (Rist, 2001), market society is both an abstract model and a belief. This system was expected to yield outstanding results, to be anti-bureaucratic, emancipative, just and, therefore, highly moral. The crisis has actually revealed that the system’s attributes (among other things) are all fictitious. In fact, thousands of billions of euros have been dilapidated; all the states came to the financial markets’ rescue and paid the price for this crisis unconditionally, including the bail-out of banks and the recession that followed, despite the fact that in the past three decades, the State’s intervention has been considered a barrier both against growth and against the “natural” functioning of the economic system. As for the organizational quality of private enterprises that have been so much acclaimed for their pragmatism, the improvement of audit performance, the implementation of cost-benefit analysis, the various tools for assessing efficiency and the generalization of organization-level competition have triggered a new form of bureaucratic hypertrophy in a wide range of public sectors (health, scientific research, security, social services, etc.) (Hibou, 2013). As a rule, both the public and the private sectors have finally started to incur debts. One could provide numerous examples in order to show that there is a gap between the principles underlying a model of society and the model as such. From Georges Balandier onwards, anthropologists have claimed that crises reveal a social, political and economic dynamic system able to stir up tensions within society. Whereas anthropology relied on a static vision of “exotic” societies that were going through a decolonization process, the founder of political anthropology underlined that societies function via a deep mechanism which proves to be more efficient under such uncertain circumstances. However, if we claimed that crisis is a moment of transient disorder of a relatively stable political, economic or social structure, we would be compelled to say that this term fails to define the current state of affairs. In this light, it would be better to admit that the form of capitalism that emerged at the end of the 1970s and has become prominent after the fall of communism is strengthened by the crisis itself. Even a glimpse into history shows us that the crisis which began in 2007 actually ended a series of worldwide financial recessions that have had a huge impact on the last 30 years (in the USA, Mexico, Argentina, Russia, south-east Asia). Therefore, crisis emerges as a result of logical continuity, rather than fracture. This happens as if the accumulation of crises that had been preceded by a phase of unparalleled wealth accumulation led to the global crisis. One can rightly wonder whether the economic and political model adopted for 30 years, as well as the unprecedented wealth accumulated by certain social categories during this period have caused a displacement of society and economy alike and, finally, the global crisis that we are witnessing today. This process reminds us of the idea of “the great transformation” developed by Karl Polanyi in a different context (Polanyi, 1983). The fracture can only be linked to the invalidation of the system’s legitimizing principles. Regarding these facts, we ought to talk about a political regime undergoing a crisis, instead of crisis itself. This is because we realize – provided that we do not go into further details – that the many financial crises have not caused, as expected, a change in political orientation. Even worse, they have speeded up the quick-time implementation of already noxious policies. The conclusion is that the Neoliberal debacle is obvious. Nonetheless, there are no doubts about its political agenda. The networks that generated the crisis are irrationally applied as measures for overcoming the crisis. This resilient form which unveils the political and symbolic Neoliberal hegemony, competition as a legitimate form of social order and the market as a natural form of societal organization is prone to reflection. Reaching a consensus on this issue requires at least a sketchy analysis of the doxa which accompanied the crisis in the public sphere. When the process began, the Western countries laid stress on the deviant behaviour that may have permeated the financial sector. As a rule, any deviant behaviour refers to a norm which encompasses the great majority of practices. That is why the individuals guilty of bad practices were presented as a minority. One can mention figures like Bernard Madoff in the USA, Bruno Iksil or Jêrome Kerviel in France. This ideological construction allowed riches to be accumulated in an allegedly honest manner, whereas collective responsibility was put on some apparently isolated individuals engaged in immoral practices, releasing the overall configuration of capitalism from all kinds of sin. This justification was swiftly replaced by a more classic discourse. The greedy and confused population that had to be disciplined, punished and subjected to an austerity cure was “actually” to blame for this situation. Though the authoritarian Neoliberal drives have been in place since it emerged (Dardot, Laval, 2009), this type of post-democratic discourse opened Pandora’s Box, out of which a “liberticide” regime flew out. More specifically, the crisis was also an opportunity and a reason which allowed subdued impulses to be voiced in public. On the one hand, a third actor took full responsibility for the emergence of the crisis due to this allegation which, on the other hand, de-legitimized the population that played the role of a sovereign political actor. In Romania, the most frequent explanations have been informed by Keynes’ theories. Yet they have been reduced to the status of a surprising caricature. According to these theories, the crowd that foresaw the crisis had reduced consumption and triggered the crisis ex nihilo only because of this obscure belief. This syllogism excludes the real structural factors related to this situation, concurrently ignoring Keynes’ conclusion, according to which the State is the only actor able to impose effective countercyclical measures by means of an active interventionist policy and massive spending. Historically, the origins of this discourse in Romania can be found in the still active allocentrism which prevails among local intellectual elites who perceive the West as a cradle of civilization. Therefore, public actors could not consider the Western political and economic networks (USA-EU) to be fundamentally wrong, particularly because their authority is allegedly substantiated by their knowledge of good governance and good Western practices. In so far as society is concerned, this problem can be tackled from a different perspective. In fact, Romania has witnessed recurrent crises while many citizens have experienced and interpreted the enforcement of a market society model as a loss. In this sense, post-communism is a symbolic and imaginary frame that is synonymous with the crisis (Heemeryck, 2010). The 2007 crisis, whose major impact was to be felt in the following years, more precisely when it turned into a recession, was not perceived from the outset as an unprecedented event which deeply affected the citizens. Rather, it was perceived as a moment of additional instability within post-communist history. This subjectivity constructed on the historical foundations of crises, which can also be found in other cultural areas, such as South America, has a dual and contradictory quality: on one side, it acts like an obstacle in perceiving the unhackneyed character of a systemic crisis while, on the other, the actors develop alternative strategies in order to face this situation which is more difficult to imagine in the case of old industrial powers. It is worth pointing out that the incomparable character of this massive crisis witnessed by most Western countries is seen as an ordinary event by lots of countries in the world which have been shaken up by economic fluctuations for many decades now (Phélinas, Sélim, 2010). It is precisely from this point of view that geographical separations like North/South, Western/non-Western can be legitimate. But, even in this case, one should consider the different social classes that populate Western societies. Some of them are likely to have gone through a state of ongoing poverty long before the 2007 crisis.  Starting from the example of the miners in Potosi, Pascale Absi asked the following questions: “Are there any other meanings attached to this crisis

by those persons who have never had a stable job or who have never benefited from labour market public policies, and whose relation with the banking system is non-existent or merely confined to micro-credit projects?” A crisis is always subject to the actors’ interpretations and their representations in a social field that has its own stake. Instead, a historical viewpoint on the genealogy of economic crises and on the subsequent implementation of doctrines enables us to say that austerity policies are actually an adaptation of structural adjustment policies, a programme which had been put to use in the Third World ever since the end of the 1970s. After the whole world had become familiar with these Neoliberal recipes, they also arrived in Europe, where they had the same fatal consequences. Therefore, it is important for us to avoid ethnocentrism at all costs and to adopt a comparative perspective. This is why the reader will find in this issue a number of articles about different societies like Bangladesh, Bolivia or Romania, which are a priori at the same distance one from the other. It is always difficult to look for crisis-generating causes beyond ideological disputes, especially when we talk about one of the worst crises in the history of capitalism. This is not because it is a radically new phenomenon, but because it can be analyzed from different, even complementary, angles. One can lay emphasis on the change in the relationship between financial and real economy (capital/labour), as heterodox economists do. Such a balance of power, which attests to the general financialization of the world, has a great impact on societies as a whole: mass unemployment, destroyed forms of social protection, which in the first phase of the crisis acted as a buffer in the countries that possessed them, generalized job uncertainty, a fall in productive economy, total privatization of the State, completely destroyed societies like Greece, which has been under international tutelage, the generalization of credits and debts as alienating tools. The abyssal depths of social inequity must be underlined at this point, notably because it exerts a great influence on global supply and demand. We tend to forget that the 2007 crisis originated in a collapse of the incomes earned by the popular class in the USA, where social inequity reached historic levels. The starting point of the crisis called “subprime” is rooted in an expansion of high-risk mortgage credits granted to a broke and outclassed population unable to consume anything. This may be a general observation. Jean-Michel Servet points out that “the last quarter of the century, which has been subdued to a more and more hegemonic liberal ideology, has been marked by excessively demonstrative consumerist desires, on the one hand, and by a considerable reinforcement of income inequality, on the other” (Servet, 2010 : 21). Deep inequality and large-scale consumption, which also involve monetization and merchandising of all aspects of social life, are the engine-elements of globalization. In conclusion, one can notice an unprecedented enrichment of the high class. This remark does not concern the former Western powers alone. Therefore, filthy rich people have appeared all over the former Soviet bloc, in post-communist countries, India, Mexico , etc. They have expanded worldwide philanthropic investments which surround the actors with new privatized forms of solidarity and have finally furthered their underlying logic: the construction of a radical oligarchic post-modern society . Since 2008, societies have not been entirely affected by this dynamics. Many European countries are severely affected by the scenario of a rapid degradation of the social contract. Along with their Nation-State framework, Greek and Spanish societies are about to disintegrate completely. This is happening because these countries have had a certain status (of social welfare), utilities, public services and institutionalized forms of solidarity. The destruction of the social state and its citizenship is even more impressive. Yet these societies have been unable to react. The new social movements that have turned social networking sites into their weapons have spread all over the world, in countries like Tunis, Brazil, Egypt, Turkey and Bangladesh. The most famous one emerged in the United States or Spain – the Occupy Wall Street movement and the social movement called “The May 14th”. The social body made a virtue out of these events (which are part of a specific local situation). First, they enabled depoliticized social categories, or those considered as such, to regain their political status. They also led to the “re-colonization” of the public space, in the context in which the urban space is even more confined due to sophisticated control devices. Last but not least, they revealed a political configuration hidden until that time and symbolized by the slogan “We are 99%” chanted in Zuccotti Park. The limitations of these social movements may seem evident, particularly in the case of OWS, because of their refusal to submit a programme to the “representative” institutions under the pretext of maintaining their autonomy and a form of pure democracy. Nevertheless, an outlook on the evolution of these events allows us to observe a recent global socio-political reality made more legible by the 2007 crisis: it is even more difficult for states and political parties to hide their ideological unipolarity whereas the representative institutions of civic society, including a large part of trade unions and NGOs, tend to play the role of a discreet companion of capitalism limited by an essentially moral counterbalance. In Romania, the spatial separation between citizens and NGOs during the rallies held in Piaţa Universităţii (University Square) in the winter of 2012-2013 stands living proof of that. The protest regrouped an extremely heterogeneous population in terms of age and social ranks. In the same period, one of the leaders of a reputed Romanian NGO (the Resource Centre for Public Participation) interviewed by a journalist on a TV show (B1TV) about the representativeness of these organizations answered that “what matters is to be relevant. Representativeness does not matter at all”. This militant faltering is symptomatic for the absence of any relationship between the so-called representative organizations and the population that is represented. The general impression is that we are on a post-political stage. It appears to be well configured if and only if we consider it to be the outcome of a configuration effect or, to use a classic phrase we hear in social sciences, a reflection of the balance of power. The enforcement of market society from a specific Neoliberal perspective means reducing the democratic exercise a minima, namely to the election process. But even this exercise can be perverted and confined to mere consultation, which has no effect on representative institutions, as the referendum for the 2005 European Constitutional Treaty has shown. The most exposed collective mobilization tends to hide a wide range of types of behaviour that should be thoroughly examined if we want to find successful solutions to the current configuration of capitalism. The reflections on the utopia created by J.M. Servet in this issue are part of this field of research. The author tries to imagine a scenario whereby capitalism can be abolished by reintroducing an analysis of competition, market, exchange, solidarity and democracy principles. On a background of atrophied political pluralism, one of the rare ways of defusing a crisis is to adopt a position of cultural or ethnic defence of the population. Thus, the Muslim women’s veil or the Roma in France become the anchor of an essentialist rhetoric whose task is to reestablish the relationship between the state and the population according to ethnic criteria and, eventually, state representativeness. Of course, this is not an ex nihilo invention. Rather, it is a means of exploiting the configuration of the current social relations. At European level, we can remember the redundant acronym of PIGS, which, besides standing for the four European societies most affected by the crisis (Portugal, Ireland, Greece, Spain), is a clear form of racism. When the political game as such comes to a standstill, one can notice that identity is speculated upon, remoulded and fragmented. It functions within a long-term dynamic marked by the abolition of the principle of sovereignty and territorial disintegration of the Nation-State (Badie, 1995, 1999). Crisis intervention scenarios have not yet been created or they cannot yet claim to be real alternatives. Under these circumstances, social sciences can have a hard word to say. The historical depth of analysis, the various situations it approaches, as well as ground proximity might confer them a tinge of elegance.

(English version by Dragoş Ivana)


  1. BADIE B., 1999, Un monde sans souveraineté, Paris, Fayard.
  2. BADIE B., 1995, La fin des territoires, Paris, Fayard.
  3. CAULIER M. & HEEMERYCK A., 2011, « Les formes de légitimations politiques et sociales du capitalisme. Une perspective comparative sur la philanthropie: Mexique/Roumanie » Anale al Universitaţii Spiru Haret. Seria studii psihologici şi sociologici, n°6, ed. Fondation Romania de Maîne, vol. 2 : 27-40.
  4. DARDOT  P. & LAVAL C., 2009, La nouvelle raison du monde. Essai sur la société néolibérale, Paris, la Découverte.
  5. GALBRAITH J. K., 2007, « Brève histoire de l’euphorie financière » in Economie hétérodoxe, Paris, Seuil [1990].
  6. HEEMERYCK A., 2010, L’importation démocratique en Roumanie: une perspective anthropologique sur la construction d’une société post-dictatoriale, L’Harmattan, Paris.
  7. HIBOU B., 2012, La bureaucratisation du monde à l’ère néolibérale. Paris, La Découverte
  8. PHELINAS P. & SELIM M. (dir.), 2010, La crise vue d’ailleurs, L’Harmattan.
  9. POLANYI K., 1983, La grande transformation. Aux origines politiques et économiques de notre temps, Paris, Gallimard, (1944).
  10. RIST G., 2013, Le développement. Histoire d’une croyance occidentale, Paris, Presses de Sciences (4e ed.).
  11. SERVET J.-M., 2010, « L’économie contractée par le néolibéralisme » in PHELINAS P. & SELIM M. (dir.), 2010, La crise vue d’ailleurs, L’Harmattan.
  12. SERVET J.-M., 2010, Le grand renversement. De la crise au renouveau solidaire, Paris, Desclée de Brouwer.


Leitartikel: Eine Krise zwischen Bruch und Institutionalisierung - Autor: Antoine Heemeryck (Deutsch)

“Entweder soll man es ändern, ich stimme zu! aber es soll

nichts geändert werden; oder man soll es nicht  ändert,

ich stimme zu! aber dann soll etwas geändert werden, vor

allem was die wichtigsten… Stellen…betrifft…

Dieser Dilemma können Sie nicht  entkommen…Dito!”

Ion L. Caragiale, Der verlorene Brief

« Was auch immer, muss ich’s zu Ende bringen. »

Hans C. Andersen: Des Kaisers neue Kleidung.

Seit 2007 geriet die Welt in einer Krise, die, wegen ihres Umfangs, als systemisch bezeichnet wurde. Erstens erschien die Krise wie ein Bruch, eine Begebenheit zugleich außergewöhnlich, der Gesellschaft äußerlich. Das Projekt, das die spezifische Markform, auf reiner und perfekter Konkurrenz füßend, im Zentrum der Gesellschaft bringen sollte, kannte wenig oder gar keinen Widerstand und seine Mythen, obgleich angreifbar und manchmal intensiv debattiert, blieben unerschütterlich. In seinen Entwicklungsphasen (Rist, 2001) ist die Marktgesellschaft in derselben Zeit ein abstraktes Modell und ein Glauben. Dieses System, das leistungsfähig, antibürokratisch, befreiend, gerecht und daher von einer hohen Moraliät. Genau dieser fiktive Charakter seiner Eigenschaften (zwischen anderen), wurde durch die Krise ans Licht gebracht. Eigentlich beziffern sich die Verluste durch unterschlagene Geldsummen auf Bilionen Euro: die Staaten kamen den Finanzmärkten zu Hilfe und kassierten bedingungslos den Preis dieser Krise ein – inklusive die Rettung der Banken und die nachfolgende Rezession – auch wenn die Intervention des Staates in den letzen Jahrhunderten immer als Hindernis für das Wachstum und das ‘natürliche’ Funktionieren der Ökonomie betrachtet wurde. Was die organisatorische Qualität der privaten Unternehemen, die für ihren Pragmatismus gelobt wurden, betrifft, führte die Entwicklung des Audits, die Einführung der Kosten/Nutzen Berechnung und der verschiendenen Messungsinstrumente für die Wirksamkeit, die Generalisierung der Konkurrenz auf organisatorischen Niveau, zu einer neuen Form von bürokratischen Hypertrophie in verschiedenen öffentlichen Bereichen (Gesundheit, Forschung, Sicherheit, Sozialdienste usw.) (Hibou, 2013). Schließlich verbreitete sich die Verschuldung sowohl über den öffentlichen wie auch über den privaten Bereich. Es gibt viele Beispiele anhand deren wir die Entfernung zwischen den Prinzipien, die ein Gesellschaftsmodell rechtfertigen und das Modell selbst darstellen können. Von Georges Balandier her, sind die Krisen für Anthropologen Offenbarungen der gesellschaftlichen, politischen und ökonomischen Dynamiken, die die Gesellschaften aufrühren. Als in der Anthropologie noch eine statische Vision der exotischen Gesellschaften überwiegte, auch wenn sich diese Gesellschaften im vollen Dekolonisationsprozess befanden, unterstrich der Gründer der politischen Anthropologie, dass der tiefgreifende Betriebsmechanismus der Gesellschaft in dieser von Unsicherheit markierten Konjuktur am deutlichsten ist. Wenn wir aber die Krise als einen flüchtigen Moment der Unordnung in einer relativ stabilen politischen, ökonomischen und gesellschaftlichen Struktur betrachten, kommen wir zur Erkenntnis, dass dieser Begriff der aktuellen Situation nicht entspricht. Vielleicht müssen wir zugeben, dass genau die Krise diejenige ist, die die Form des Kapitalismus, der sich Ende der ‘70er Jahren durchgesetzte und der sich nach dem Sturz des Kommunismus generalisierte, sichtbar gemacht hat. Ein kurzer Blick in die Geschichte zeigt uns, dass die in 2007 angefangene Krise eigentlich die letzte aus einer langen Reihe von Finanzkrisen ist, die die letzten 30 Jahren geprägt haben (in USA, Mexiko, Argentinien, Russland und SO Asien) . Was sie Erscheinung der Krise betrifft, kann man eher über eine Kontinuität als über einen Bruch sprechen. Alles geschah, als führte die Summe der Krisen, die nach einer Periode von höchster Reichtum auftrat, zu einer globalen Krise. Wir können und fragen, ob das ökonomische und politische Modell, das 30 Jahren verwendet wurde und das den unerhöhrten Wohlstand bestimmter sozialen Kategorien gebracht hat, nicht den Grund für die gesellschaftliche und ökonomische Dislozierung und schließlich für globalen Krise, die wir heute erleben, ist. Dieser Prozess erinnert an dem “großen Umbruch”, ein Begriff, der von Karl Polanyi in einem anderen Kontext entwickelt wurde (Polanyi, 1983). Gibt es doch einen Bruch, steht dieser nur in Verbindung mit den Rechtfertigungsprinzipen dieses Systems, die schon für ungültig erklärt wurden. Diesen Sachverhalt im Sinne behaltend, ist es sinnvoller über ein politisches Regime zur Zeit der Krise zu sprechen, als über eine Krise an sich. Zu bemerken ist, dass diese finanziellen Krisen zu keiner Änderung in die politische Gesinnung geführt haben, wie man erwarten konnte. Schlimmer, sie führten zur Beschleunigung der politischen Theorien, deren Schädlichkeit schon bekannt war. Daraus folgt, dass die Erfolglosigkeit der neoliberalen Theorien explizit ist. Diese Tatsache scheint aber die verfolgten politischen Richtungen nicht infrage zu stellen. In einer perfekten Irrationalität greift man zu den Rezepten, die die Krise veranlagt haben, indem sie gerade als Ausweg aus der Krise betrachtet werden. Diese Art von Widerstandsfähigkeit, die die symbolisch-politische Hegemonie des Neoliberalismus, den Wettbewerb als legitime Form der sozialen Ordnung und den Markt als natürliche Form der Gesellschaftsorganisation darstellt, regt zum Nachdenken an. Der Aufbau dieses Konsenses bedarf wenigstens auf schematischen Niveau einer Analyse des Verstandes, der die Krise im öffentlichen Raum begleitet hat. In den Abendländern wurde der Schwerpunkt auf den abweichenden Verhalten, die die finanzielle Sphäre kontaminiert hätten, gelegt. Normalerweise bezieht sich das aufweichende Verhalten auf eine Norm, die die überwiegende Merhheit der Praktiken umfasst. Deshalb wurden die Schuldigen als Minderheit dargestellt. Hier zitieren wir: Bernard Madoff in die USA, Bruno Iksil oder Jêrome Kerviel in Frankreich. Diese ideologische Konstruktion erlaubt somit das Verbergen das wahren Grundes der Bereicherung, indem die kollektive Verantwortung auf einige angenommen isolierte Individuen, mit immoralischen Praktiken fiel. Auf diese Weise wurde der Kapitalismus in seiner Ganzheit von den Sünden losgesprochen. Schnell ließ diese Rechtfertigung nach und ein eher klassischer Diskuss nimmt Form. Die “waheren” Schuldigen für diesen Sachverhalt ist das gierige und verwirrte Volk, das man disziplinieren, bestrafen und einer strengen Austeritätskur unterwerfen sollte. Auch wenn die autoritären Neigungen von Anfang an zu bemerken sind (Dardot, Laval 2009), führte dieser post-demokratische Diskurs zu einem “Freiheit tötendes” Regime. Näher, die Krise war eine günstige Gelegenheit und ein Grund für die Äußerung der Unterdrückungstendenzen in der Öffentlichkeit. Diese Anklage ermöglichte, auf einer Seite, die Umsetzung der effektiven Verantwortung für die Krise auf den Schulter eines tertiären Agierenden und auf der anderen Seite, sprach sie dem Volk, als wichtigster politischer Akteur, die Rechtmäßigkeit ab. In Rumänien wurden die meist verwendeten Erklärungen von Keynes Theorien beinflusst, aber wurden somit auf eine erstaunliche Karrikatur reduziert. Diese besagten, dass die Masse, die Krise vorausschauend, ihr Konsum reduziert hat und somit die Krise ex nihilo, wegen dieses obskuren Glauben, geschaffen hat. Dieses Syllogimsmus zieht aber die realen und strukturellen Faktoren dieser Situation nicht in Betracht und missachtet Keynes Schlussfolgerung: er ist der Meinung, dass der Staat der einzige imstande ist, wirksame Maßnahmen gegen einer zyklischen Wirtschaftskrise durch eine aktive Interventionspolitik und massive Ausgaben zu nehmen. Was Rumänien betrifft, findet sich der Urspung dieses Diskurses in dem sehr spürbaren Allozentrismus der hiesigen Intellektualität, die das Abendland als ein Zivilisationszentrum betrachtet. Die politischen und ökonomischen Rezepte aus dem Abendland (USA-EU), könnten nicht fundamental falsch sein, vor allem für die Akteure, die ihre Aurorität auf ein behauptetes Wissen von guter Regierung und von guten abendländischen Praktiken gründen. In Bezug auf die Gesellschaft, kann diese Problematik aus einem anderen Sichtpunkt untersucht werden. Rumänien hat eigentlich mehrere zyklische Wirtschaftkrisen durchgemacht und die Auferlegung eines Marktgesellschaftsmodells wurde von vielen als einen Verlust empfunden und interpretiert. In dieser Hinsicht ist der Postkommunismus ein symbolisches und fingiertes Synonym für Krise (Heemeryck, 2010). Die in 2007 stattgefundene Krise, deren Auswirkungen nur in den folgenden Jahren, als sie sich in Rezesion verwandelte, zu spüren waren, wurde von den Bürgern nicht als eine unglaubliche Begebenheit, die die Bevölkerung involviert, verstanden sondern als eine Zeit zusätzlicher Unsicherheit in der Geschichte des Postkommunismus. Diese auf die Geschichte der Krisen erbaute Subjektivität, die sich auch in anderen kulturellen Räume manifestierte, z.B. in Südamerika, hat eine doppelte und zwiespältige Qualität: auf einer Seiter verhindert sie die schnelle Entdekung des einzigartigen Charakters einer systemischen Krise oder, auf der anderen Seite, entwickeln die Akteure eine alternative Strategie zur Bewältigung dieser Situation. Die letzte Variante ist aber im Rahmen der alten industriellen Mächte schwer denkbar. Zu unterstreichen ist die Neuigkeit dieser großen Krise für den Großteil der Abendländer, die für viele Unternehmen dieser Welt eine banale Begebenheit ist. Die Unternehmen sind schon seit Jahrhundete von den Schwankungen auf ökonomischen Niveau erschüttert worden (Phélinas, Sélim, 2010). Vielleicht ist nur aus diesem Sichtpunkt die geografische Einteilung Norden/Süden, Abendland/Nicht-Abendland aussagekräftig. Trotzdem muss man beachten, dass es im Westen verschiedene Gesellschaftsschichten existieren. Einige befanden sich vielleicht schon vor 2007 in einem ununterbrochenen Armutszustand. Pascale Absi, vom Beispiel der Bergmänner aus Potosi ausgehend, stellte sich die Frage: “Was soll die Krise, wenn diese Menschen nie eine feste Arbeitsstelle hatten, oder keinen Nutzen aus der öffentlichen Politik für Beschäftigung der Arbeitskräfte ziehen konnten und deren Beziehung zur Bank nicht existiert oder auf Projekte wie Mico-Kredit begrenzt ist?”

Die Krise bezieht sich auf die Interpretierung der Subjekte und ihre Darstellung in einem sozialen Bereich mit einem spezifischen Einsatz. Wenn wir uns auf einen geschichtlichen Gesichtspunkt begrenzen, was die Genealogie der ökonomischen Krisen und die Verabschiedung der Doktrinen, die der Krisen vorangegangen sind, betrifft, stellen wir fest, dass die Sparpolitiken eigentlich eine Adaptation der Strukturanpassungspolitiken sind. Dieses Program wurde der ditten Welt schon Ende ’70 er Jahren auferlegt. Nachdem sie um die Welt gegangen sind, erreichen diese neoliberale Rezepte auch Europa und führen zu denselben katastrophalen Ergebnissen. Es ist wichtig, das Ethnozentrismus wegzulassen und zur komparativen Perspektive zu greifen. In diesem Heft findet der Leser Artikeln über Gesellschaften, die sich a priori in einer großen Entfernung voneinander befinden: Bangladesch, Bolivien und Rumänien. Jenseits der ideologischen Kämpfe, ist die Identifizierung der Ursachen der Krise ein heikles Verfahren, besonders, wenn es um eine der größten in der Geschichte des Kapitalismus geht. Es handelt sich nicht um die Neuigkeit des Phänomäns, sondern um die Vilfalt der Analyseverfahren die unternommen werden können, von denen manche sogar komplementär sind. Man könnte den Wandel der Verhältnisse zwischen der finanziellen und der reellen Ökonomie (Kapital/Arbeit), ähnlich der heterodokten Ökonomen (Lordon, Sapir, Servet, etc.) betonen. Ein Machtverhältnis dieser Art veranschaulicht die allgemeine Kapitalisierung der Welt, welche wichtige Auswirkungen auf die verschiedenen Gesellschaften im Ganzen ausübt: Arbeitslosigkeit, das Zerstören der Sozialschutzformen (obwohl sie eine wichtige Puffer-Rolle am Anfang der Krise gespielt haben), Senkung der Arbeitsqualität, Verringerung der produktiven Ökonomie, vollständige Privatisierung des Staates, vollständige Zerstörung der Gesellschaften, wie Griechenland, internationale Unterstellung und Verbreitung der Leihe und Schulden als Zerstörungsinstrument. Die Vertiefung der gesellschaftlichen Ungleichheiten muss man unterstreichen vor allem weil diese den globalen Konsum beeinflusst. Es besteht die Gefahr zu vergessen, dass die Krise 2007 ihre Wurzel in den Kolaps der Einkommen der Mittelschicht in den USA hat, wo die Ungleichheiten einen historischen Niveau erreicht haben. „Subprime”, wie die Krise gennant wurde, hatte als Ausgangspunkt die Ausbreitung der Kredite mit Hypothek mit einem hohen Risikofaktor, die einer zahlungsunfähigen Bevölkerung gewährt wurden. Diese Tatsache kann generalisiert werden. So wie auch Jean-Michel Servet sagt: „Der letzte Jahrhundertviertel, das einer liberalen, hegemonialen Ideologie unterstellt war, ist einerseits von einer Exazerbation der Konsumwünsche mit demonstrativer Auswirkung, andererseits von einem wesentlichen Wachstum der Ungleichheit in der Verteilung der Einkommen markiert“. (Servet, 2010 : 21). Die tiefen Ungleichheit und der Großkonsum sind die Motor-Elemente der Globalisierung. Eine unglaubliche Bereicherung der Oberschicht ist zu bemerken. Diese Feststellung ist von den ehemaligen Mächte des Westens nicht begrenzt. So erschienen Personen mit unvorstellbaren Vermögen in dem ganzen ehemaligen sowjetischen Ostblock und in den postkommunistischen Ländern: Indien, Mexico (u.s.w.). Diesen ist die weltweite Expansion der filantropischen Investitionen, welche diese Schauspieler in neuen privaten Solidaritätsformen umgeben zu verdanken und bis zum Schluss die Logik, die die Basis ihres Schaffens darstellt, verbreitet: den Bau einer oligarchischen, radikalen postmodernen Gesellschaft . Seit 2008 sind die Gesellschaften vollständig von dieser Dynamik beeinflusst worden. Im Bild einer beschleunigten Zerstörung des sozialen Vertrags sind viele europäische Länder arg betroffen worden. Einige Länder wie Griechenland und Spanien befinden sich nahe an einem vollständigen Zerfall der Gesellschaft und des Rahmen Staat-Nation. Dieses passiert eben weil diese Länder einen Wohlstand, öffentliches Service, Leitungen, öffentliche Solidaritätsformen, hatten. Das Zerstören des sozialen Staates und der Bürgerschaft die ihn begleitet, ist umso beeindruckender. Die Gesellschaften sind aber dem gegenüber nicht ohne Reaktion geblieben. Die neuen gesellschaftlichen Bewegungen, welche die digitalen Netzwerke als Widerstandsmittel verwenden, haben sich in der ganzen Welt verbreitet: in Tunis, Brasilien, Ägypten, Türkei und Bangladesch. Die bekanntesten sind wahrscheinlich die, die in die USA oder in Spanien entstanden sind – die Bewegung Occupy Wall Street und die soziale Bewegung sind unter dem Namen « 14 Mai.» bekannt. Diese Vorfälle (die einer lokalen spezifischen Situation entsprechen) der Gesellschaft hatten mehrere Verdienste. In erster Reihe machten sie es für die apolitischen gesellschaftlichen Kategorien möglich, auf die politische Bühne aufzutreten. Danach wurde auch die „Wiederkolonisierung” des öffentlichen Raumes möglich trotz der Begrenzung des städtischen Raumes durch hochentwickelte kontrolleausübende Geräte. Dadurch wurde eine die bis dahin verborgene politische Konfiguration entschleiert. Dieses ist von dem Slogan vom Zuccotti Park «Wir sind 99%» symbolisiert. Wenn die Grenzen dieser sozialen Bewegungen offensichtlich scheinen, besonders bezüglich des OWS, weil sie sich weigern den “vertretenden” Institutionen ein Programm vorzuschlagen, mit der Begründung, dass man die Selbstständigkeit und eine Art direkte Demokratie aufbewahren müsste, erlaubt uns ein Überblick auf die Entwicklung dieser Bewegungen, eine globale, soziopolitische Realität zu beobachten, welche die Rezession 2007 nur verdeutlicht hat: den einzelnen Staaten und den Parteien wir es immer schwerer die Einseitigkeit ihrer Ideologien zu verstecken und die Institutionen, die die Zivilgesellschaft vertreten, ein großer Teil der Gewerkschaften und Nichtregierungsorganisationen haben die Rolle des stillen Kameraden des Kapitalismus zu spielen, begrenzt sich aber auf das moralisierende Gegenspiel. Ein anschaulicher Beispiel in Rumäninen sind die Demanstrationen am Universitätsplatz im Winter 2012-2013, wo die Nichtregierungsorganisationen klar von den Demonstranten räumlich begrenzt waren, obwohl diese Protestaktion ein heterogenes Volk zusammenbrachte was die Altersgruppen und die Sozialgruppen betrifft. In derselbe Zeitspanne sagte ein Mitglied des Vorstandes einer berühmten Nichtregierungsorganisation in Rumänien (Zentrum für Ressourcen für öffentliche Beteiligung) während eines Interwiews über den öffentlichen Auftritt dieser Organisationen für eine TV-Sendung (B1TV), dass “die Relevanz am wichtigsten ist”. Der öffentliche Auftritt ist nicht wichtig. Das kämpferische Stottern ist ein Symptom des Mangels der Verbindung zwischen den Organisationen welche die Mitglieder der Gesellschaft vertreten müssten und die vertretenen Gesellschaftsmitglieder. Der allgemeine Eindruck der bleibt, ist, dass wir uns auf einer post-politischen Bühne befinden. Sie ist nicht ungenau, wenn wir diese Tatsache als ein Ergebnis eines Konfigurierungsprozesses, oder, um ein Konzept der klassischen Solzialwissenschaften zu verwenden, eine Reflexion des Zustandas der Machtbezüge betrachten. Die Durchsetzung der Konsumgesellschaft setzt in der neuliberalen Optik die Verringerung bis zum Minimum der demokratischen Aktionen, zum Beispiel der Wahlprozess, voraus. Auch diese Aktion kann aber zur einfachen Unterhaltung reduziert werden, ohne eine Auswirkung auf die vertretenden Institutionen zu bewirken, so wie das Referendum für das Europäische Konstitutionelle Traktat in 2005 gezeigt hat. Die sichtbarsten kollektiven Bewegungen haben die Tendenz eine Vielfalt von neuen Geschehen welche näher analysiert werden müssten, wenn wir Pläne für den Ausgang aus der gegenwärtigen Konfiguration des Kapitalismus stiften möchten, zu verstecken. Die nähere Untersuchung der Utopie von J.M. Servet befindet sich in diesem Analysefeld. Der Autor versucht einen Plan für den Ausgang aus dem Kapitalismus durch die Wiedereinführung der Analyse der Konkurrenz-, Markt-, Austausch- und Solidaritätsprizipien zu stiften. Im Kontext des Schwundes des politischen Pluralismus besteht einer der wenigen Ausgangswege für den Staat aus einer Ausübung des Kultur- und Ethnieschutzes. Auf diese Weise werden die Schleier der Muslimfrauen und die Zigeuner aus Frankreich die Anker einer essentialistischen Retorik, mit dem Ziel, die Verbindung zwischen Staat un Bevölkerung aufgrund der ethnischen Kriterien aufzubauen und warum nicht, die Vertretungskraft der Staates zu vergrößern. Sicher, ist es kein ex nihilo Einwand, sondern die Verwertung der schon bestehenden gesellschaftlichen Beziehungen. Europaweit gesehen, können wir uns an die Redundanz, mit welcher das Akronym PIGS (Schweine), welches die europäischen Staaten, die am schwersten von der Rezession betrofeen wurden, beschrieb (Portugal, Irland, Griechenland und Spanien), verwendet wurde. Man könnte dieses als eine ausdrückliche Rassismusform betrachten. Wenn das eigentliche politische Spiel gelähmt ist, kann man ein Spekulationsphänomen, eine Neugruppierung und eine Fragmentierung der Identität bemerken. Das hat eine längere Dynamik und ist von dem Absprung vom Suveränitätsprinzip und der teritorialen Auflösung des Staates als Nation gekennzeichent. (Badie, 1995, 1999). Die Ausgangspläne aus der Rezession sind noch nicht entwickelt und können nicht als konkrete Lösungen betrachtet werden. In diesem Sachverhalt können die Sozialwissenschaften dazu etwas sagen. Die historische Tiefgründigkeit der Analyse, die Vielfältigkeit der untersuchten Situationen, die Bodenhaftigkeit könnten ihnen einen edlen Ton verleihen.

(Übersetzung in Deutsch von Cristina Mărculeţ-Petrescu)



  1. BADIE B., 1999, Un monde sans souveraineté, Paris, Fayard.
  2. BADIE B., 1995, La fin des territoires, Paris, Fayard.
  3. CAULIER M. & HEEMERYCK A., 2011, « Les formes de légitimations politiques et sociales du capitalisme. Une perspective comparative sur la philanthropie: Mexique/Roumanie » Anale al Universitaţii Spiru Haret. Seria studii psihologici şi sociologici, n°6, ed. Fondation Romania de Maîne, vol. 2: 27-40.
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Minerii cooperatori ai Boliviei faţă cu recesiunea - Autor: Pascale ABSI


Even in the most precarious situations, the responses to the economic recessions are not limited to the practical application of survival resolution. These answers generate imaginaries, moral representations, that give sense to the events and organize strategies. Taking this fact into account, this paper proposes to analyze the idealistic aspects of the economic global crisis through the experiences of the cooperative workers in the mines of Bolivia. Their logic of interpretation is far from those proposed by the salary and the welfare State. Thus, the crisis appears as an ideal heuristic situation to understand market and labour representations of the social actors. As a matter of fact, we can observe that for the Bolivian miners the breakdown of the miner’s market at the end of 2010 was less traumatic that the previously unseen prosperity. This assessment reminds us that the sudden excessive accumulation of wealth can be a crisis equal to that experienced by the economical recession.

Key words: Bolivia, Cooperatives, Miners, Social Representations, Work, Money

Le Bangladesh en crise entre procès mémoriels et modèles globalisés - Auteur: Monique Selim


This article explores the crisis multiform – political and economical – that knows Bangladesh in 2013 and endeavours to untie the hanks on the basis of the present to go back to the foundation of the country in 1971. The analysis of the memorial trials against the “collaborators” of the Pakistan, imagined in 1992, carried out in 2013, clarifies, under misleading appearances of continuity, the deep changes of the society and the government schemes concerned to preserve the power. As a corollary the intrusion of the social movements generated on Internet shows here as elsewhere the upheavals that make the opening to a “global civil society”.

Key Words: Bangladesh, political and economical situation, globalisation, Internet, islamisation.

O altfel de criză: criza demografică românească, simptome, evoluţie şi consecinţe - Autor: Todor Cătălina


Unlike economic crises, demographic ones are perhaps the most serious type of crisis which often do not generate “innovation”,  like the  economic ones tend to do. A demographic crisis can weaken a society, may cause a conflict and can put an end to a civilization as an extreme form of its effects manifestation. In this context 2013 is the year of publication of a long-expected  and controversial enough census data. This finnds  Romania on the verge of a demographic latent crisis and for this reason the present research aims to identify its symptoms starting from the existing relationship between demographics and geopolitics and to structure a series  of possible consequences given the symptoms and their possible developments.

Keywords: demographic development, crisis, declining population, aging population, migration, security, risk.

Clairvoyance: penser l’utopie pour reconnaître un futur déjà présent - Auteur: Jean-Michel Servet


To understand the possibility of alternatives, the article defines at first the roots of the 2007 crisis which show that the systems of production and exchange, because of the domination of the financial sphere, went away from the productive capitalism to bring to the foreground an empire of liquidity. The principal concepts of economic integration (Polanyi) and of common (Ostrom) are mainly mobilized to analyse the crisis and its issues. The invention of practices recognized as those of the solidarity based and social economy supposes a junction of the economic and political fields and a hegemony of the principle of reciprocity at the base of the interdependence of the human activities thanks to the solidarity and the sharing.

Key words: Alternative, capitalism, crisis, solidarity based economy, sharing, utopia

O economie a supunerii. Muncă, venituri şi căsătorie în Uzbekistan - Autor: Laurent Bazin


Based on ethnologic fieldwork conducted in Uzbekistan, this article explores the transformations of work in Uzbekistan, where the post soviet regime has adopted the Uzbek national identity as the new State ideology and maintained some forms of subjection inherited from the USSR. The author shows the importance of the changes that affect work in its exercise, as well as the social context and the representations related to it. The article details three situations which are especially significant of the new architectures of work : working force markets, teams of workers in the construction sector and in a cotton mill. It analyses how the representations of work are built on gender differentiations and how the circulation of incomes within the family hinders the possibilities of individual emancipation and strengthens the structures of kinship. Wedding constitutes a key operator, an essential moment of expenses and a symbolic support of the renewal of national identity ; it forces submission on juniors and servility on young spouses.

Keywords: Uzbekistan, Economic Anthropology, Globalization, Work, Wedding, National Identity

Pauperitate şi asistenţă publică în Piatra Neamţ 1864 – 1914 - Autor: Daniel Pavai


Between the Union of the Principalities and the First World War, the Romanian society withstood a wide modernisation process of its political, legislative, economical and cultural structures, in the fashion of advanced societies of Western Europe.

 One of the most spectacular effects of this wide modernisation process was the accelerated development of urban life, with parameters and a rhythm that had not been encountered up until then.

 This accelerated development, apart from having indisputable positive effects, also caused massive changes in the social architecture of Romanian towns, with devastating effects among those who, for various reasons, could not adapt to the new, ever-changing realities.

 For the first time in its history, the Romanian town was acutely experimenting the phenomenon of pauperising large categories of its inhabitants, a sombre reality that would represent a true test of the local decision-makers’ entrepreneurial spirit.

 This study analyses the concrete forms through which the local public authorities of that age decided to manage this delicate problem in Piatra Neamt, a medium-sized town in Moldova.

Keywords: pauperism, public assistance, abandoned children, sick people, disabled people.

Experienţa indică a lui Mircea Eliade şi a lui Romain Rolland - Autor: Luria Rebeca Şerban


This article is a combination of plans, views, opposites, complementary aspects and perspectives. We are facing a country composed of two journals, of important antithesis, but they are creating an entire cultural, social and spiritual landscape.We are witnesses and traveler with both diarists and we are looking through their eyes the  traditions, cultural or political personalities, we approach and depart from the religious life, depending on how well it is described on their pages or we  sneak into other pages to not lose details, new information . India doesn’t mean only asceticism, only wildness, only Tagore or just Gandhi, but it means each of them, more or less, but it is important that it includes them all and it delights our souls as far as we pass another page. India  must not be in contrast with Europe, as the spiritual fathers are doing, but set it against a free and totally different continent and perceptions.The way of  existence, thoughts, actions of ones and others should not be judged in terms of their culture, but accepted as it is simultaneously respected for what what it is.

Key words: India, Tagore, Gandhi, diary,Eliade, Rolland

The eighteenth-century english landscape garden as a cultural institution - Author: Dragoş-Alexandru IVANA


The present article provides an insight into the English landscape garden perceived as an improvement of taste due to allegedly rejected trends from abroad and to a capitalization of architectural reminiscences. The English landscape garden participates in defining the process of cultural translation able to bring environmental relics or residues into an English context in which the landscape of the mind is understood as a means of construction or as a new forma mentis underlying Englishness. It is in this light that I shall look at the English landscape garden as both a cultural institution and a “place for all seasons” by considering some of its basic components.

Keywords: landscape garden, Englishness, forma mentis, emblematic, expressive, cultural institution

Între criză şi impur: Proiectarea urbanului deasupra urbanului - Autor: Viorella Manolache


The present study organized structurally in approximating the subchapters approaching the urban groundings- warnings- crises; adaptation to crises: the overhead urbanism commutation and urban ”survivalism”, impure-inertial notes  establishes and confirms in a theoretical and philosophical manner, the fact that urban remains the last construct of the human (as specie) imagination, articulating a possible answer provided to the bad signs of the word crises which seems to control all the  European economic, cultural, social or political arteries.

The study will offer as a crises solution, the urban upon urban projection only as a manner to enlarge the urban concentration placed almost apocalyptically, inside disintegration, forced interactive neighborhoods, decolonization, decentralization or post-industrial des-urbanization.

Keywords: Crisis, Impurity, Urban Kinetics, Urban Survivalist, Urban upon Urban

The tattoo in modern romanian society - Authors: Adrian Majuru and Roxana Diaconu


Tatuajul istoric reprezintă o noutate în domeniul restaurării romaneşti.

În muzeul Institutului Naţional Medico-Legal din Bucureşti se afla o colecţie de tatuaje umane ce datează de la începutul secolului XX.

În spaţiul românesc modern, prima sinteză a problematicii tatuajelor nu aparţine unui istoric, ci medicului legist Nicolae Minovici. Acesta a publicat în anul 1898 lucrarea Tatuajurile în România, care a fost teza sa de licenţă, încă de referinţă pentru medicina românească şi ar trebui să fie la fel şi pentru istoriografie.

Un apropiat al profesorului Nicolae Minovici a fost profesorul de anatomie şi antropologul de valoare internaţională, dr. Francisc Josif Rainer. Cei doi medici au colaborat în multe situaţii, în general la săpături de salvare sau deshumări pentru expertize criminalistice. Nicolae Minovici colabora cu dr. Rainer pentru expertizarea antropologică a scheletelor şi craniilor studiate.

Dar ceea ce aducem ca element de noutate prezentului articol este un caz studiat în anul 1927 de către Francisc Iosif Rainer în legătură cu un bucureştean, care poseda tatuaje pe ambii umeri şi în zona toracelui. Numele acestuia a fost Alexandru Popescu iar la data cercetării avea vârsta de 27 de ani şi era de profesie croitor.

În partea a doua a acestui articol se va face referire la metodele de restaurare a tatuajelor studiate de dr.Fr.Rainer în primăvara anului 1927. Investigarea şi restaurarea acestor tatuaje a început în urmă cu patru ani. Înainte de începerea intervenţiei directe pe aceste artefacte s-au adunat cât mai multe informaţii, s-au efectuat analize privind compoziţia chimică a pielii conservate şi a pigmenţilor folosiţi la tatuare cu ajutorul fluorescenţei şi micro fluorescenţei (XRF şi micro XRF cu spectrometru portabil tip InnovX Systems Alpha Series, anticatod W, 30 kV, 6 μA, timp de achiziţie 60 sec. ), măsurarea temperaturii de contracţie pentru determinarea gradului de degradare a tegumentelor, microscopii, măsurarea pH-ului şi alte analize. După informaţiile acumulate în urma acestor investigaţii şi întocmirea unei documentaţii a început etapa testărilor pe obiect iar rezultatul acestor intervenţii face subiectul prezentului articol.

Cuvinte cheie: istoria tatuajelor, etologie, antropologie urbană, mentalităţi, metode de restaurare a ţesutului uman.

The Urban Anthropology Journal No.1 (2013)


Revista de Antropologie Urbană Nr.1
The Urban Anthropology Journal - No.1 ( 2013) - CONTENTS
  • Editorial – Author: Adrian Majuru (Romanian)
  • Editorial – Author: Adrian Majuru (English)
  • Editorial – Auteur: Adrian Majuru (French)
  • Leitartikel – Autor: Adrian Majuru (German)
  • Habitation and sociability in post-socialist neighbourhoods. Floreşti – Cluj – Author: Gabriel Troc
  • The desire for internationality, dynamism and the upgrade rate Moroccan cities – Author: Gaëlle Gillot
  • From the territorial city to the metropolis: Inheritance and change in Quito (Equator) – Author: Bernard Castelli
  • The images of the foreigner, consumerism and logic of differentiation in a Bucharest neighbourhood – Author: Antoine Heemeryck
  • Civil society, new means of communication and political control in Guangzhou (China) – Author: Wenjing Guo
  • Centre and periphery – a special paradigm in development – Author: Cătălin Sârbu
  • Bucharest – between European modernity and the Ottoman East – Author: Adrian Majuru
  • Popular therapy and psychotherapy within the context of cultural anthropology – Author: Dr. Camelia Burghele

Editorial - Autor: Adrian Majuru (Română)

Ţinta şi esenţa antropologiei este cunoaşterea omului, ceea ce este altceva decât adunarea de cunoştinţe despre om, preţioase şi acestea într-o altă etapă. Între cunoştinţe despre fenomen şi cunoaşterea unui fenomen este o deosebire de calitate. Cunoaşterea presupune înţelegere şi totodată perspectivă. A urmări procesul continuu al devenirii umane, în condiţii geografice variabile, unele favorabile, altele nefavorabile, a descrie şi explica factorii de presiune şi de modelare umană, acţiile şi reacţiile fiinţelor umane în confruntarea cu realitatea, a urmări şi analiza ce se petrece în decursul desfăşurării fenomenelor, a şti exact de la ce s-a pornit şi la ce s-a ajuns, care au fost etapele prin care s-a trecut, a extrage unele « momente » reprezentative din aceste desfăşurări şi a le prezenta, iată câteva obiective pe care şi le propune proiectul de faţă.

De ce o revistă de antropologie urbană?

Pe plan naţional sunt puţine sau chiar lipsesc contribuţiile teoretice, sintezele cu orizont teoretizant. Este de remarcat nevoia de sinteză fie de prim plan fie de plan secund. Aceste sinteze sunt ca nişte « cărămizi sau trepte », spre cunoaşterea omului, dar câtă vreme nu există un proiect recunoscut de toţi, cu toate eforturile de cercetare care se fac, uneori remarcabile, nu se poate ajunge decât la « pavarea » selectivă cu aceste « cărămizi » a unei sau mai multor alei izolate fără legătură una cu alta şi pe care nu le cunosc toţi. Să reţinem şi să reacţionăm corespunzător aşadar la lipsa de coerenţă şi de conjugare care motivează impresionantul proces de expansiune al antropologiei şi care este o necesitate reală a zilelor noastre. Pe de altă parte, este stringentă nevoia unor sinteze asupra coordonatelor spaţiului urban românesc, dintr-o viziune nu doar descriptivă ci deopotrivă prescriptivă, în scopul evidenţierii paralelismelor culturale cu Europa, a rezervelor de dezvoltare urbană, a deficienţelor ce se cuvin cunoscute şi studiate în vederea depăşirii lor. Proiectul nostru editorial îşi doreşte să ofere soluţii de regenerare economică şi socială (urbană), precum şi de remodelare morală (individuală şi colectivă). În plus, astfel de soluţii pot deveni factori activi de modificare a mentalităţilor deficitare (în creştere), manifestate la toate segmentele de vârstă (copii, tineri, adulţi şi oameni în vârstă), determinate de impactul brutal al schimbărilor din ultimii 20 ani.

O autentică cercetare antropologică are nişte trăsături specifice între care poate că cea mai importantă este raportarea la condiţia umană, individuală sau colectivă, iniţială originară. A urmări devenirea de la acea condiţie până astăzi, sau până la un moment dat, a înţelege ce s-a întâmplat, a pune în evidenţă sensurile devenirii şi eventual a putea anticipa, pe această bază la ce ne putem aştepta, înseamnă a face antropologie. Cum dobândim înţelegerea antropologică şi accesul la semnificaţia antropologică? Numai aşa cineva poate susţine că este antropolog şi face antropologie. Structura mai mult sau mai puţin fină şi complicată a cauzelor şi efectelor care duc la diversitatea umană, la schimbările care sunt uneori evoluţie, este formată din factori atât biologici cât şi culturali, ori micşti, pentru a căror recunoaştere e nevoie de stăpânirea unor cunoştiinţe care nu cunosc graniţe. Antropologia urbană ocupă o secvenţă din antropologia generală şi priveşte grupurile umane, sau indivizii care trăiesc în condiţii urbane. Procesul de urbanizare este un proces antropologic prin care se produce o schimbare importantă în continua devenire a speciei noastre. Antropologia urbană cuprinde şi tot ce se modifică prin trecerea de la rural la urban şi urmăreşte nobila aventură umană mai departe în urbanizare, industrializare, post industrializare, până la societatea informatizată care este abia la început. Şi care va înregistra în timp mutaţii, oricum mici schimbări în condiţia omului. Timpul şi spaţiul au fost totdeauna marile provocări pentru om. Omul a depus eforturi neîncetate să domine atât spaţiul cât şi timpul. Ce a făcut cu timpul economisit, ce a câştigat de pe urma faptului că în loc de două ore ca să parcurgă o distanţă a cheltuit numai o oră, nu se ştie. Am greşi spunând că nu a făcut nimic, că a risipit timpul câştigat. Revista de antroplogie urbană trebuie să fie pregătită să semnaleze şi să anticipeze problemele care vor apare în spaţiul urban, şi să aibă soluţii pentru rezolvarea lor. Cu alte cuvinte să fie un proiect cu orientare spre viitor, valorizând însă etapele trecutului prin simptomele prezentului.

Adrian Majuru

Editorial - Author: Adrian Majuru (English)

Knowing man is the target and gist of anthropology. This is totally different from gathering precious knowledge about man, which happens at a different stage. There is a difference in quality between someone’s knowledge about a specific phenomenon and knowing a specific phenomenon. Knowledge implies understanding as well as having a certain perspective on things. Analysing the ongoing process of human becoming in variable propitious or unpropitious geographical conditions, describing and explaining pressure and human factors as well as human patterns, the way in which human beings act and react when facing reality, tracking and looking into the manifestation of various phenomena, knowing exactly the stages of a process, how everything started and ended, extracting some representative “moments » from the unfolding of these phenomena and, finally, presenting them are just a few aims of the present project.

Why an urban anthropology review?

At national level, theoretical contributions or theory-geared syntheses are scarce or even non-existent. One can notice that there is a need for a primary or secondary type of synthesis. These syntheses are like “bricks or steps » towards the knowledge of man. However, as long as there is no project unanimously acknowledged, despite all the efforts, sometimes remarkable, made to carry out research, these “bricks » can only « pave » randomly one or more isolated avenues, separated from each other and known by only a few. We should bear this in mind and react, therefore, to the lack of coherence and consensus that underlies the impressive expansion process of anthropology, which is felt as a real need today. On the other hand, there is a crucial need for syntheses about the coordinates of the Romanian urban space that should be made both from a descriptive and prescriptive perspective. Their aim is to highlight cultural parallelisms with Europe, urban development resources, deficiencies which ought to be known and studied with the purpose of surmounting them. Our editorial project endeavours to offer solutions for economic and social (urban) regeneration, as well as for moral (individual and collective) remodelling. In addition, such solutions may become active factors in the process of changing (ever-growing) deficient mentalities characteristic of all age groups (children, young people, adults and elderly persons).

These mentalities have emerged as a result of the brutal impact of the various changes that have occurred in the past 20 years. One of the most important specific traits of genuine anthropological research is related to the origins of the human condition, be it individual or collective. Studying anthropology means tracking the evolution from that condition to this day, or up to a certain moment, understanding what happened, foregrounding the meanings of human becoming and, thus, being able to anticipate what is in store for us. How do we acquire an anthropological understanding and the access to anthropological significance? It is only in this way that some may claim that they are anthropologists or that they deal with anthropology. The more or less fine and sophisticated structure of the causes and effects that are conducive to human diversity, to changes which sometimes stand for evolution, is made up of both biological and cultural or mixed factors which can be recognised only if one possesses knowledge that crosses cultural boundaries. Urban anthropology is deemed as a sequence of general anthropology, dealing with groups of people or individuals who live in urban conditions. The urbanisation process is an anthropological process that is responsible for a significant change in the ongoing evolution of our species. Urban anthropology encompasses all the changes brought about the shift from rural to urban and tracks the plunge of the noble human adventure into urbanisation, industrialisation, post-industrialisation and, ultimately, into a burgeoning information society. It will go through a series of mutations over time perceived as small changes in man’s condition. Time and space have always been man’s great challenges. Man has incessantly made painstaking efforts to master both time and space. There is no telling about what he has done with the time he has saved or about what he has gained from the fact that he spent an hour, instead of two, in order to cover a certain distance. We would be wrong in saying that he has not done anything, that he has wasted the time he has saved. The urban anthropology review must be ready to signal and foreshadow the problems that will occur in the urban space and also to provide solutions to them. In other words, it must be future-oriented, yet not without valuing the stages of the past through the symptoms of the present.

Adrian Majuru

Editorial - Auteur: Adrian Majuru (Francais)

Le but et l’essence de l’anthropologie est la connaissance humaine, ce qui signifie autre chose que de recueillir des connaissances sur l’homme, précieuses elles aussi, mais dans une autre étape. Entre le savoir sur le phénomène et la connaissance d’un phénomène il y a une différence de qualité. La connaissance implique également la compréhension et la perspective. Suivre le processus continu du devenir humain dans diverses conditions géographiques, certaines favorables, d’autres défavorables, pour décrire et expliquer les facteurs de pression et de modélisation humaine, les actions et les réactions des êtres humains face à la réalité, suivre et analyser ce qui se passe au cours des phénomènes, savoir exactement de ce qu’on a commencé jusqu’au point d’arrivée, quelles ont été les étapes par lesquelles on a passé, extraire certains « moments » représentatifs de ces déroulements et les présenter, voici quelques objectifs que se propose le présent projet.

Pourquoi une revue d’anthropologie urbaine?

Au niveau national, il y a peu ou pas d’apports théoriques, des synthèses à l’esprit de théorisatisation. Il faut souligner la nécessité de synthétiser, soit à l’avant-plan, soit à l’arrière-plan. Ces résumés sont comme des « briques ou étapes » vers la connaissance humaine, mais autant qu’il n’y a pas un projet reconnu par tous, même si les efforts de recherche sont parfois remarquable, on ne peut arriver qu’au couvrement sélectif par ces « briques » d’un ou de plusieurs chemins isolés sans rapport entre eux, qui ne sont pas connus par tous les gens. On doit faire attention et réagir en conséquence, de sorte que la faute de cohérence et de conjugaison qui motive l’impressionnant processus d’expansion de l’anthropologie, qui est un besoin réel d’aujourd’hui. D’autre part, un besoin urgent de certaines synthèses sur les coordonnées dans l’espace urbain roumain, d’une vision non seulement descriptive, mais aussi normative, afin de souligner les parallélismes culturels de l’Europe, des réserves du développement urbain, des carences qui doivent être connues et étudiées afin de les surmonter. Notre projet éditorial vise à offrir des solutions pour la régénération économique et sociale (urbaine) et pour le remodelage moral (individuel et collectif). En outre, de telles solutions peuvent devenir des facteurs actifs de changement des mentalités déficitaires (en croissance), qui se manifestent à tous les groupes d’âge (enfants, jeunes, adultes et personnes âgées) causés par un choc brutal de changements au cours des 20 dernières années.

Une véritable recherche anthropologique possède des caractéristiques spécifiques dont peut-être la plus importante est la référence à la condition humaine, individuelle ou collective, d’origine originaire. Suivre le devenir de cet état-là jusqu’à présent, ou jusqu’à un certain moment, comprendre ce qui s’est passé, révéler les significations du devenir et éventuellement de pouvoir participer, sur cette base ce que nous pouvons espérer, c’est faire l’anthropologie. Comment acquérir la compréhension anthropologique et l’accès à la signification anthropologique? Ce n’est qu’à cette manière qu’ on peut prétendre être un anthropologue et faire anthropologie. La structure plus ou moins fine et complexe des causes et des effets conduisant à la diversité humaine, aux changements qui sont parfois évolution, est composée de facteurs biologiques et culturels ou mixtes, dont la reconnaissance exige de maitriser certaines connaissances qui ne connaissent pas de frontières. L’anthropologie urbaine est une séquence de l’anthropologie générale et elle implique les groupes humains ou les personnes vivantes dans les zones urbaines. L’urbanisation est un processus anthropologique par lequel apparait un changement important dans le devenir continu de notre espèce. L’anthropologie urbaine est formée aussi de toutes les variations à travers le passage du rural vers l’urbain et elle suit la noble aventure humaine à l’urbanisation, l’industrialisation et la post-industrialisation, jusqu’à la société informatisée, qui se trouve à peine à son début. Et qui enregistrera en temps des mutations, pourtant de petits changements dans la condition humaine. Le temps et l’espace ont été toujours les défis majeurs pour les gens. L’homme a fait des efforts inlassables pour dominer autant l’espace que le temps. Ce qu’il a fait avec le temps gagné, ce qu’il a reçu du fait que, au lieu de deux heures pour parcourir une distance, il a passé seulement une heure, personne ne le sait. Je me suis trompé en affirmant qu’il n’a rien fait, qu’il a perdu le temps gagné. La Revue d’Anthropologie Urbaine doit être préparée à signaler et à anticiper les problèmes qui se produiront dans les zones urbaines, et elle doit offrir des solutions pour les résoudre. En d’autres termes, ce doit être un projet d’avenir, mais valorisant les étapes du passé par les symptômes du présent.

Adrian Majuru

Leitartikel - Autor: Adrian Majuru (Deutsch)

Das Ziel und die Essenz der Anthropologie ist die Erkenntnis des Menschen. Diese Erkenntnis ist etwas Verschiedenes von der Summe der Kenntnisse über den Menschen, die in einer anderen Etappe wichtig sind. Zwischen der Erkenntnis eines Phänomens und die Kenntnis über demselben Phänomen besteht eine qualitative Differenz. Die Erkenntnis setzt zugleich Verstehen und Perspektive voraus. Ein Paar Ziele des vorliegenden Projektes sind: der ununterbrochene Prozess des menschlichen Werdens unter variablen geographischen Bedingungen (vorteilhaft sowie unvorteilhaft) zu verfolgen, das Erklären und Beschreiben der Faktoren, die die Menschen gestalten und Druck auf sie ausüben; die Untersuchung der Aktionen und Reaktionen des menschlichen Wesens in der Auseinandersetzung mit der Wirklichkeit, die Analyse und Beobachtung der Phänomenen im vollen Entwicklungsprozess; Ausgangspunkte und Endpunkte, wie auch die durchgegangenen Etappen zu identifizieren, die repräsentativsten Momenten aus dieser Entwicklung zu extrahieren und darzustellen.

Warum eine Zeitschrift für Stadtanthropologie?

Im Inland gibt es wenige oder so gut wie keine theoretischen Beiträge oder Synthesen mit theoretiserendem Horizont. Zu bemerken ist eine Notwendigkeit zur Synthese im Erst- oder Zweitplan. Diese Synthesen sind wie « Bausteine oder Treppen“, die zur Erkenntnis des Menschen führen. Solange es aber noch kein allgemein anerkannten Projekt gibt, kann es, trotz aller Bemühungen, nur zu einer selektiven « Bepflasterung“ mit diesen « Bausteinen“ von einer oder mehreren isolierten, beziehungslosen, vielen unbekannten Gassen, kommen. Folglich, sollen wir uns den Mangel an Kohärenz und Konjugation merken und dementsprechend reagieren. Dieser Mangel motiviert also den beeindruckenden Expansionsprozess der Anthropologie, welcher eine reale Notwendigkeit unseres Alltags darstellt. Andererseits, dringt die Notwendigkeit einiger Synthesen über die Koordinaten des rumänischen städtischen Raumes in einer nicht nur deskriptiven sondern auch vorschriftlichen Auffassung. Diese Auffassung soll das kulturelle Parallelismus Rumäniens mit Europa, die Vorräte für städtische Entwicklung, die Mängel, die bekannt und studiert sein müssen um überwunden zu werden, hervorheben. Unser verlegerischer Ziel ist, Lösungen sowohl für den ökomischen und gesellschaftlichen (städtischen) Wiederaufbau, als auch für die moralische (individuelle und kollektive) Wiedergestaltung zu finden. Überdies, können diese Lösungen auch aktive Faktoren für die Abänderung der defizitären Mentalitäten (im Wachstumsprozess), die bei allen Altersgruppen (Kinder, Jugendliche, Erwachsene und Senioren) zu bemerken sind, und die vom brutalen Impakt der Wandlungen in der letzten zwei Jahrzehnten bewirkt wurden, sein.

Eine authentische anthropologische Forschung hat spezifische Züge, die wichtigste darunter ist die Beziehung zur ursprünglicher menschlichen Kondition (individuell oder kollektiv). Anthropologie heißt es, die Entwicklung von dieser Kondition bis heute, zu begreifen und die Richtungen des Werdens hervorzubringen und eventuell vorauszusetzen. Wie erwerben wir das anthropologische Einsehen und wie finden wir den Zugang zur anthropologischen Bedeutung? Nur derjenige, in dem sich diese beiden Aspekte wiederfinden, kann sich als Anthropologe bezeichnen und Anthropologie betreiben. Die mehr oder weniger feine und komplizierte Struktur der Ursachen und Wirkungen, die zur menschlichen Vielfalt und zur in der Entwicklung stattgefundenen Veränderungen führt, besteht sowohl aus biologischen als auch aus kulturellen Faktoren, deren Anerkennung das Beherrschen von grenzlosen Kenntnissen voraussetzt. Die Stadtanthropologie ist ein Teil der allgemeinen Anthropologie und arbeitet mit menschlichen Gruppen, oder Individuen, die in urbanen Konditionen leben. Der Urbanisierungsprozess ist ein anthropologischer Prozess, der zu einer wichtigen Veränderung in der fortdauernden Entwicklung unserer Spezies führt. Die Stadtanthropologie umfasst alles, was durch den Übergang vom Ruralen zum Urbanen modifiziert wird. Sie beobachtet das edle menschliche Abenteuer in der Urbanisierung, Industrialisierung, Post-Industrialisierung bis in der jetzigen informatisierten Gesellschaft. Diese Gesellschaft wird kleine Mutationen in der menschlichen Kondition verzeichnen. Raum und Zeit waren immer die größten Herausforderungen für das menschliche Wesen. Der Mensch hat mehrmals versucht, diese zwei Kategorien zu beherrschen. Die Frage, was der Mensch mit der gesparten Zeit gemacht hat, was er durch die Tatsache, dass er jetzt nicht zwei sondern eine einzige Stunde braucht, um eine Strecke zurückzulegen, kann man nicht beantworten. Wir würden fehlgehen, wenn wir sagen würden, er habe nichts damit gemacht, dass er die Zeit einfach verschwendet hat. Die Zeitschrift für Stadtanthropologie muss dazu bereit sein, die Probleme, die in dem städtischen Raum erscheinen werden, zu signalisieren und vorauszusehen. Außerdem, soll sie Lösungen für diese Probleme finden. Anders gesagt, muss dieses Projekt zukunftsorientiert sein, zugleich soll es aber auch die Etappen der Vergangenheit durch die Symptome der Gegenwart verwerten.

Adrian Majuru

Locuire şi sociabilitate în cartierul post-socialist. Floreşti - Cluj - Autor: Gabriel Troc

The article analyzes the emergence of new forms of habitation in the newly-built post-socialist neighborhoods, which were developed in Romania’s largest cities after the year 2000, through a case study of the most significant post-communist neighborhood of Cluj-Napoca, Floreşti. The empirical data of the article consists of data collected through fieldwork and, largely, of comments that the new residents had posted on online forums during the formation of the urban communities. The new form of habitation is identified as being the result of the emergence of a new type of urbanism, built in opposition with the socialist urbanism, of the processes of social stratification that occurred in Romania in the last 20 years, and the of the emergence of a local middle class, with its specific aspirations and lifestyles. The analysis puts into light the profiles of the people involved (investors, real estate companies, customers/residents) and examines the specific processes associated with the development of the new neighborhood (the construction of a new ideal for living, the investments in housing construction through privately-owned businesses, the occurrence of new forms of marketing etc.). The article also focuses upon the boundaries in building new neighborhoods based on private ownership of lands, on individual initiative in the absence of strong construction regulations and of the free market as the sole way of solving the problem of housing in the post-socialist city.

Keywords: post-socialist urbanism; middle class; housing and social stratification; class distinction; Cluj-Napoca

Autorul Gabriel Troc susţine cursuri de antropologie socială la Universitatea Babeş-Bolayi din Cluj-Napoca. A publicat volumul Postmodernismul în antropologia culturală (Polirom Iaşi 2006) şi articole şi studii pe teme de marginalizare socialæ, dezvoltare urbană şi migraţie transnaţională – Articolul este ilustrat cu fotografii realizate de autor în cartierul Floreşti (2010-2011).                                 

Le désir d’internationalité, dynamique et vecteur de la mise à niveau des villes marocaines - Auteur: Gaëlle Gillot


The desire of internationality, dynamics and vector of the upgrade of the Moroccan cities

The cities of Morocco inherited from a very rich past which makes the happiness of tour operators and sector of the Moroccan tourism. Important efforts are at present granted by the public authorities in a context of economic liberalization and Public Private Partnership to try to realize the upgrade international of the infrastructures. The peripheries owe their dynamic development to the realization of gigantic shopping malls, of suburban residential zones or logistic platforms connected directly with recently modernized airports.

However, the access to the housing remains the main problem for a big part of the population. In front of this difficulty, new shanty towns continue to grow gobbling up hectares of arables or orchards by suburbs, in spite of ceaselessly new projects of homebuilding and in spite of ambitious governmental programs. These cities work in several speeds and the social differentiation is more and more translated in spatial segregation.

Key-words: Moroccan cities, upgrade international, access to the housing, modernization, heritage, tourism, urban fragmentation.

De la cité-territoire à la métropole: Héritages et mutations à Quito (Équateur) - Auteur: Bernard Castelli


                For many centuries, the city of Quito (Ecuador’s capital) has only been thought like a physical space (city-territory), a downtown concentrating all the powers necessary for the economic system dominated by the Spanish empire. The historical development of the urban modernity incited in the same time the spatial growth of this capital and the leadership of new actors involved in the economic international competition. Today the concentration of activities or people in only one geographical space doesn’t exist no more. On the contrary the dispersion of political networks related with the world economy represents now the true interests, the real forces dominating the heterogeneous territories of the metropolis. Finally the social inequalities and the spatial differences in the city continue being very important due to a weakness distribution of wealth.

Key-words: Central Business District – Urban history – Urban growth – Metropolis – Globalization.

Imaginile străinului, consumul şi logica de diferenţiere într-un cartier din Bucureşti - Author: Antoine HEEMERYCK


This article aims to highlight the social transformations that occurred in post-communist Romania starting from the ethnological study of a district of Bucharest. First, I show the role of various symbolic figures that residents use to try to give sense to their position in society in general and in this neighborhood particularly. Then we exa-mine on a various scales the consequences of integration of capitalist structures in social relations and the resulting issues (status of parents, the status of women and young people, consumption, etc).


Keywords: Romania, urban quarter, figures of the stranger, consumption, social classes

Société civile, nouveaux modes de communication et contrôle politique à Canton (Chine) - Auteur: Wenjing GUO


This article analyzes the articulation among the emergence of ‘civil society’, the new forms of political control in the social reform and the usage of Internet in China. This reform facilitates the development of a new philanthropic market where the NGOs are controlled economically, politically and ideologically. This control is presented as a liberal concurrence of NGOs, who benefit from the loosened political restrictions for register and are accompanied with the new supportive public and private devices implemented by the government. Internet, by providing the social groups gathered around a specific identity/event, has an important impact on the flourishing social movements and the civil society development in China. It also accelerates the evolution of the political discourse and the system of political control of the Chinese government. These arguments are illustrated with an analysis of several examples in the province of Guangdong, chosen as experimental region for this reform.

Centru şi periferie – o paradigmă spaţială în evoluţie - Author: Cătălin Sârbu

Idei şi ipoteze privind o perspectivă spaţial-urbanistică a centralităţii


The antinomy „center-periphery” is polymorphic and takes place not only at the individual or groups levels concerning the values and behaviours but as well concerning spatial structures of the cities and equally of the territories. The dinamics of the urban changes, the continous sliding, including spatially, between center and periphery generate their fluid borders, suggesting answers concerning not only the theoretical aspects of the discussed subjects but also the urban and territorial development decisions zone.

The issue of a constellation of local urban centers generates another sense of the periphery, distinct from marginal, with urban expressions that permanently bring into discussion the universal paradigm of the center and periphery that still keep its spatial structuring force.

Key words: center, periphery, centrality, spatial urban dynamic, spatial scales aproache, values difusion

Bucharest – between European modernity and the Ottoman East - Autor: Adrian Majuru


                România secolului al XIX-lea s-a desfăşurat asemeni unui uriaş « cumul al contrastelor », în funcţie de felul în care fiecare familie sau colectivitate înţelegea să facă trecerea de la vechi la nou şi desigur, de posibilităţile pecuniare ale fiecăruia care îi permitea acest lucru. Pentru vizitatorii din afară care nu cunoşteau aceste realităţi foarte bine, Bucureştii păreau ceva izbitor prin alternanţa nearmonizată dintre bogăţie, lux pe de o parte, sărăcie şi mizerie pe de altă parte. Cu toate acestea, oraşul pulsa cu repeziciune către schimbare într-o manieră radicală şi cât mai completă, astfel încât la mijlocul veacului al XIX-lea, vechiul oraş boieresc « să devină în exterior scena parizianismului modern » deşi interiorul, profunzimea structurii sale, să fie răscolită în continuare de o « aspră barbarie » asimilată cu o « nespusă imoralitate » şi multe « alte monstruozităţi » precum lipsa aproape totală a « seriozităţii vieţii ». Ruptura dintre formă şi fond devine o constantă istorică, o continuă confruntare între un cotidian modern şi mentalităţi neschimbate dar şi o perpetuă dezbatere ideologică şi culturală în societatea românească.

Cuvinte cheie: modernizare, coabitare, contrast, comportament, mentalităţi, Moldo-Valahia, Bucureşti

Terapia şi psihoterapia populară în contextul antropologiei culturale - Author: Dr. Camelia Burghele


In the traditional culture the health-disease couple determines a complex of attitudes and human practices. Health is looked upon as a state of harmony and ballance which can be afflicted by disease – perceived as a disturbing factor. Every kind of subordination of man to the two states constitutes the foundation of a therapeutical and psychotherapeutical system specific to traditional culture, which in our opinion is spread onto three levels:

– the magical perspective of disease and health regain, materialized in magical ritual scenarios performed by a specialized person

– the religious perspective on healing, which constitutes the foundation of sacred-therapy and concentrates on prayers, festing and bowing and seed God as the ultimate Healer

– the medical perspective, which employs a series of remedies taken from empirical medicine (medicinal plants, presopuncture, massage)

Most often, the technique of healing in the traditional community weaves all these ways together.

We do consider that the study of this Romanian therapeutical and psychotherapeutical system can be best accomplished by employing a vast anthropological perspective to found a health anthropology which would envision objective vaster then the anthropology of disease, medical anthropology, physical anthropology, anthropology of the body or other such anthropologies.

Key words: anthropology of ilness, medical anthropology, anthropology of the body, psychotherapy, ethology


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